2. Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan, limiting their Naval Force in the Black Sea.Signed at Paris, March 30, 1856.-Ratifications" exchanged at Paris, April 27, 1856.

In the name of Almighty God.-His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, and His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, taking into consideration the principle of the neutralisation of the Black Sea established by the preliminaries contained in the Protocol No. 1, signed at Paris on the 25th of February of the present year, and wishing, in consequence, to regulate by common agreement the number and the force of the light vessels which they have reserved to themselves to maintain in the Black Sea for the service of their coasts, have resolved to sign, with that view, a special Convention, and have named for that purpose-[here are given the names and titles of four Plenipotentiaries]-who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles :

:

ARTICLE I.-The High Contracting Parties mutually engage not to have in the Black Sea any other vesselsof-war than those of which the number, the force, and the dimensions are hereinafter stipulated.

ARTICLE II.-The High Contracting Parties reserve to themselves each to maintain in that sea six steamvessels of fifty mètres in length at the line of flotation, of a tonnage of 800 tons at the maximum, and four light steam or sailing vessels of a tonnage which shall not exceed 200 tons each.

ARTICLE III.-The present Convention, annexed to the General Treaty signed at Paris this day, shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of four weeks, or sooner if possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Paris, the thirtieth day of the month of March, in the year One thousand eight hundred and fifty-six.

3. Convention between Her Majesty, the Emperor of the French, and the Emperor of Russia, respecting the Aland Islands.-Signed at Paris, March 30, 1856.Ratifications exchanged at Paris, April 27, 1856.

In the name of Almighty God.-Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, His Majesty the Emperor of the French, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, wishing to extend to the Baltic Sea the harmony so happily re-established between them in the East, and thereby to consolidate the benefits of the general peace, have resolved to conclude a Convention, and have named for that purpose-[here are given the names and titles of six Plenipotentiaries]—who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles :

ARTICLE I. His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, in order to respond to the desire which has been expressed to him by Their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Emperor of the French, declares that the Aland Islands shall not be fortified, and that no military or naval establishment shall be maintained or created there.

ARTICLE II. The present Convention, annexed to the General Treaty signed at Paris this day, shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of four weeks, or sooner if possible.

In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Paris, the thirtieth day of the month of March, in the year One thousand eight hundred and fifty-six.

CLARENDON.

(L.S.)

(L.S.)

COWLEY.

1. Extract from the Protocol No. 23, of the Sitting of the Congress of Paris, April 14, 1856; relating to Mediation as a Preventive of War.

The Earl of Clarendon, having demanded permission to lay before the Congress a proposition which it appears to him ought to be favourably received, states that the calamities of war are still too present to every mind not to make it desirable to seek out every expedient calculated to prevent their return; that a stipulation had been inserted in Article VII. of the Treaty of Peace, recommending that in case of difference between the Porte and one or more of the other signing Powers, recourse should be had to the mediation of a friendly state before resorting to force. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain conceives that this happy innovation might receive a more general

application, and thus become a barrier against conflicts which frequently only break forth because it is not always possible to enter into explanation and to come to an understanding. He proposes, therefore, to agree upon a resolution calculated to afford to the maintenance of peace that chance of duration hereafter, without prejudice, however, to the independence of Governments.

Count Walewski declares himself authorised to support the idea expressed by the first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain; he gives the assurance that the Plenipotentiaries of France are wholly disposed to concur in the insertion in the Protocol of a wish which, being fully in accordance with the tendencies of our epoch, would not in any way fetter the free action of Governments.

Count Buol would not hesitate to concur in the

opinion of the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and of France, if the resolution of the Congress is to have the form indicated by Count Walewski; but he could not take, in the name of his Court, an absolute engagement calculated to limit the independence of the Austrian Cabinet.

The Earl of Clarendon replies that each Power is, and will be, the sole judge of the requirements of its honour and of its interests; that it is by no means his intention to restrict the authority of the Governments, but only to afford them the opportunity of not having recourse to arms whenever differences may be adjusted by other means.

Baron Manteuffel gives the assurance that the King, his august Master, completely shares the ideas set forth by the Earl of Clarendon; that he therefore considers himself authorised to adhere to them, and to give them the utmost development which they

admit of.

Count Orloff, while admitting the wisdom of the proposal made to the Congress, considers that he must refer to his Court respecting it, before he expresses the opinion of the Plenipotentiaries of Russia.

Count Cavour, before he gives his opinion, wishes to know whether, in the intention of the author of the proposition, the wish to be expressed by the Congress would extend to military interventions directed against de facto Governments.

Lord Clarendon replies that the wish of the Congress should allow of the most general application; he observes that if the good offices of another Power had induced the Government of Greece to respect the laws of neutrality, France and England would very probably have abstained from occupying the Piræus with their troops. He refers to the efforts made by the Cabinet of Great Britain in 1823, in order to prevent the armed intervention which took place at that time in Spain.

Count Walewski adds, that there is no question of stipulating for a right or of taking an engagement; that the wish expressed by the Congress cannot in any case oppose limits to the liberty of judgment of which no Power can divest itself in questions affecting its dignity; that there is therefore no inconvenience in attaching a general character to the idea entertained by the Earl of Clarendon, and in giving to it the most extended application.

Count Buol approves the proposition in the shape that Lord Clarendon has presented it, as having a humane object; but he could not assent to it if it were wished to give to it too great an extension, or to deduce from it consequences favourable to de facto Governments, and to doctrines which he cannot admit. He desires, besides, that the Conference, at the moment of terminating its labours, should not find itself compelled to discuss irritating questions, calculated to disturb the perfect harmony which has not ceased to prevail among the Plenipotentiaries.

Count Cavour declares that he is fully satisfied with the explanations which he has elicited, and he accedes to the proposition submitted to the Congress.

Whereupon, the Plenipotentiaries do not hesitate to express in the name of their Governments, the wish that States between which any serious misunderstanding may arise, should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, as far as circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly Power. The

Plenipotentiaries hope that the Governments not represented at the Congress will unite in the senti ment which has inspired the wish recorded in the present Protocol. [The signatures follow.]

2. Declaration respecting Maritime Law, signed by the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, Sardinia, and Turkey, assembled in Congress at Paris, April 16, 1856.

The Plenipotentiaries who signed the Treaty of Paris of the thirtieth of March, One thousand eight hundred and fifty-six, assembled in conference

:

Considering That maritime law, in time of war, has long been the subject of deplorable disputes; that the uncertainty of the law and of the duties in such a matter, give rise to differences of opinion between neutrals and belligerents which may occasion serious difficulties, and even conflicts; that it is consequently advantageous to establish a uniform doctrine on so important a point; that the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Congress at Paris cannot better respond to the intentions by which their Governments are animated, than by seeking to introduce into international relations fixed principles in this respect;

The above-mentioned Plenipotentiaries being duly authorised, resolved to concert among themselves as t the means of attaining this object; and having come to an agreement, have adopted the following solemn Declaration :

1. Privateering is, and remains, abolished; 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war; 3. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under enemy's flag; 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective-that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.

The Governments of the undersigned Plenipotertiaries engage to bring the present Declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Paris, and to invite them to acced. to it. Convinced that the maxims which they nos proclaim cannot but be received with gratitude by the whole world, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries doubt not that the efforts of their Governments to obtain the general adoption thereof, will be crowned with full success. The present Declaration is not and shall not be binding, except between those Powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it.

Done at Paris, the sixteenth of April, One thousand eight hundred and fifty-six.

(Signed)

BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN.

HÜBNER.
WALEWSKI.
BOURQUENEY.

CLARENDON.

COWLEY.

MANTEUFFEL.

HATZFELDT.

ORLOFF.
BRUNNOW.

CAVOUR.

DE VILLA-MARINA.

AALI. MEHEMMED DJEMIL

1. Extract from the Protocol No. 22, of the Sitting of the Congress of Paris on the 8th of April 1856; relating to Greece, Italy, the Press in Belgium, and the Rights of Neutrals.

Count Walewski suggests that it is desirable that the Plenipotentiaries, before they separate, should interchange their ideas on different subjects which require to be settled, and which it might be advantageous to take up, in order to prevent fresh complications. Although specially assembled for settling the Eastern question, the Congress, according to the first Plenipotentiary of France, would have cause to reproach itself for not having taken advantage of the circumstance which brings together the Representatives of the principal Powers of Europe, to clear up certain questions, to lay down certain principles, to express intentions; in fine, to make certain declarations, always and solely with the view of insuring the future tranquillity of the world, by dispelling, before they become menacing, the clouds which are still seen looming on the political horizon.

It cannot be denied, he says, that Greece is in an abnormal state. The anarchy to which that country was a prey, has compelled France and England to send troops to the Piræus at a time when their armies were already fully occupied. The Congress knows in what state Greece was; neither is it ignorant that the present state is far from being satis factory. Would it not, therefore, be advantageous that the Powers represented in the Congress should manifest the wish to see the three protecting Courts take into serious consideration the deplorable situation of the kingdom which they have created, and devise means to make provision for it?

Count Walewski does not doubt that the Earl of Clarendon will join with him in declaring that the two Governments await with impatience the time when they shall be at liberty to terminate an occupation; to which, nevertheless, they are unable, without the most serious inconvenience, to put an end, so long as real modifications shall not be introduced into the state of things in Greece.

The first Plenipotentiary of France then observes that the Pontifical States are equally in an abnormal condition; that the necessity for not leaving the country to anarchy, had induced France as well as Austria to comply with the demand of the Holy See, by causing Rome to be occupied by French troops, while the Austrian troops occupied the Legations.

He states that France had a twofold motive for complying without hesitation with the demand of the Holy See, as a Catholic Power and as a European Power. The title of eldest son of the church, which is the boast of the Sovereign of France, makes it a duty for the Emperor to afford aid and support to the Sovereign Pontiff; the tranquillity of the Roman States, and that of the whole of Italy, affects too closely the maintenance of social order in Europe, for France not to have an overbearing interest in securing it by all the means in her power. But, on the other hand, it is impossible to overlook the abnormal condition of a Power which, in order to maintain itself, requires to be supported by foreign troops.

Count Walewski does not hesitate to declare, and he trusts that Count Buol will join in the declaration, that not only is France ready to withdraw her troops,

but that she earnestly desires to recall them so soon as that can be done without inconvenience as regards the internal tranquillity of the country and the authority of the Pontifical Government, in the prosperity of which the Emperor, his august Sovereign, takes the most lively interest.

The first Plenipotentiary of France represents how desirable it is for the balance of power in Europe that the Roman Government should be consolidated in sufficient strength for the French and Austrian troops to be able, without inconvenience, to evacuate the Pontifical States; and he considers that a wish expressed in this sense might not be without advantage. In any case, he does not doubt that the assurances which might be given by France and Austria as to their real intentions in this respect, would have a salutary influence.

Following up the same order of ideas, Count Walewski asks himself if it is not to be desired that certain Governments of the Italian Peninsula, by welldevised acts of clemency, and by rallying to themselves minds gone astray but not perverted, should put an end to a system which is directly opposed to its object, and which, instead of reaching the enemies of public order, has the effect of weakening the Governments, and of furnishing partisans to popular faction. In his opinion it would render a signal service to the Government of the Two Sicilies, as well as to the cause of order in the Italian Peninsula, to enlighten that Government as to the false course in which it is engaged. He is of opinion that warnings conceived in this sense, and proceeding from the Powers represented in the Congress, would be the better received by the Neapolitan Government, as that Government could not doubt the motives which dictated them.

The first Plenipotentiary of France then says, that he must call the attention of the Congress to a subject which, although more particularly affecting France, is not the less of great interest for all the Powers of Europe. He considers it superfluous to state that there are every day printed in Belgium publications the most insulting, the most hostile against France and her Government; that revolt and assassination are openly advocated in them. He remarks that quite recently, Belgian newspapers have ventured to extol the society called 'La Marianne,' the tendencies and object of which are known; that all these publications are so many implements of war directed against the repose and tranquillity of France by the enemies of social order, who, relying on the impunity which they find under the shelter of the Belgian legislation, retain the hope of eventually realising their culpable designs.

Count Walewski declares that the intention and sole desire of the Government of the Empire is to maintain the best relations with Belgium; he readily adds that France has reason to be satisfied with the Belgian Government, and with its efforts to mitigate a state of things which it is unable to alter: its legislation not allowing it either to restrain the excesses of the press, or to take the initiative in a reform which has become absolutely indispensable. We should regret, he says, to be obliged ourselves to make Belgium comprehend the strict necessity for modifying a legislation which does not allow its Government to fulfil the first of international duties-that of not

assailing, or allowing to be assailed, the internal tranquillity of the neighbouring States. Representations addressed by the stronger to the less strong have too much the appearance of menace, and that is what we desire to avoid. But if the Representatives of the Great Powers of Europe, viewing in the same light with ourselves this necessity, should find it useful to express their opinion in this respect, it is more than probable that the Belgian Government, relying upon all reasonable persons in Belgium, would be able to put an end to a state of things which cannot fail sooner or later to give rise to difficulties, and even real dangers, which it is the interest of Belgium to avert beforehand.

Count Walewski proposes to the Congress to conclude its work by a declaration which would constitute a remarkable advance in international law, and which would be received by the whole world with a sentiment of lively gratitude.

The Congress of Westphalia, he adds, sanctioned liberty of conscience; the Congress of Vienna sanctioned the abolition of the Slave Trade, and the freedom of the navigation of rivers.

It would be truly worthy of the Congress of Paris to lay down the basis of a uniform maritime law in time of war as regards neutrals. The four following principles would completely effect that object :-1. The abolition of privateering; 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods except contraband of war; 3. Neutral goods, except contraband of war, are not liable to capture even under enemy's flag; 4. Blockades are not binding except in so far as they are effective. This would indeed be a glorious result, to which none of us could be indifferent.

The Earl of Clarendon, sharing the opinions expressed by Count Walewski, declares that, like France, England proposes to recall the troops which she was obliged to send to Greece so soon as she shall be able to do so without inconvenience to the public tranquillity; but that it is necessary, in the first instance, to provide solid guarantees for the maintenance of a satisfactory state of things. According to him, the Protecting Powers may agree among themselves upon the remedy which it is indispensable to apply to a system injurious to the country, and which has altogether departed from the object which they had proposed to themselves, when establishing there an independent monarchy, for the wellbeing and the prosperity of the Greek people.

The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain remarks that the Treaty of March 30 opens a new era ; that-as the Emperor had said to the Congress on receiving it after the signature of the Treaty-this era is that of peace; but in order to be consistent, nothing should be omitted to render that peace solid and lasting; that, representing the principal Powers of Europe, the Congress would fail in its duty if, on separating, it sanctioned by its silence a state of things which is injurious to the political equilibrium, and which is far from shielding peace from danger in one of the most interesting countries of Europe.

We have just provided, continues the Earl of Clarendon, for the evacuation of the different territories occupied by foreign armies during the war; we have just taken the solemn engagement to effect the evacuation within the shortest period; how would it be possible for us not seriously to advert to occupations which took place before the war, and to abstain from devising means for putting an end to them?

The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain does not

consider it of any use to inquire as to the causes which have brought foreign armies into various parts of Italy; but he considers that even admitting that those causes were legitimate, it is not the less true that the result is an abnormal and irregular state of things, which can be justified only by extreme neces sity, and which should come to an end as soon as that necessity is no longer imperiously felt; that, nevertheless, if endeavours are not made to put an end to that necessity, it will continue to exist; that if we are content to depend upon the armed force, instead of seeking to apply a remedy to the just causes of discontent, it is certain that a system little honourable for the Governments, and lamentable for the people, will be perpetuated. He conceives that the admini stration of the Roman States presents inconveniences from whence dangers may arise which the Congress has the right to attempt to avert; that to neglect them would be to run the risk of labouring for the benefit of such resolutions as all the Governments condena and wish to prevent. The problem which it is a matter of urgency to solve, consists, he conceives, in combining the retreat of the foreign troops with the maintenance of tranquillity, and the solution depends on the organisation of an administration which by reviving confidence would render the Government independent of foreign support: that support never succeeding in maintaining a Government to which the public sentiment is hostile; and there would result from it, in his opinion, a part which France and Austria would not wish their armies to perform. For the wellbeing of the Pontifical States, as also for the interest of the sovereign authority of the Pope, it would, therefore, in his opinion, be advantageous to recommend the secularisation of the Government, and the organisation of an administrative system in har mony with the spirit of the age, and having for its object the happiness of the people. He admits that this reform might perhaps offer in Rome itself, at the present moment, certain difficulties; but he thinks that it might easily be accomplished in the Legations.

The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain observes, that for the last eight years Bologna has been in a state of siege, and that the rural districts are harassed by brigands: it may be hoped, he thinks, that by establishing in this part of the Roman States a administrative and judicial system, at once secular and distinct, and that by organising there a national armed force, security and confidence would rapidly be restored, and the Austrian troops might shortly withdraw without having to apprehend the return fresh troubles; it is at least an experiment which in his opinion, ought to be attempted, and th remedy proposed for indisputable evils ought to be submitted by the Congress to the serious consideration of the Pope.

As regards the Neapolitan Government, the Erst Plenipotentiary of Great Britain is desirous of imitat ing the example given him by Count Walewski, by passing over in silence acts which have obtained such grievous notoriety. He is of opinion that it must doubtless be admitted in principle that no Government has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of other States; but he considers there are cases in whi the exception to this rule becomes equally a right ! a duty. The Neapolitan Government seems to him to have conferred this right, and to have imposed duty upon Europe; and as the Governments repr sented in the Congress are all equally desirous to support the monarchical principle and to repel