say at this present time, for it was not so even twenty years ago, and possibly may not be so twenty years hence. There is a change constantly going on, in every thing below, and I believe, for many reasons, that a change for the better will soon take place in America. There are even now many thousands of virtuous, honorable, and enlightened people in the United States; but at present virtue is passive, while vice is active.

'I have observed in my preface, that the virtues and vices of a nation are to be traced to a form of government, the climate, and circumstances; and it will be easy to show that to the above may be ascribed much of the merit as well as the demerits of the people of the United States. In the first place, I consider the example set by the government as most injurious; as I shall hereafter prove, it is insatiable in its ambition, regardless of its faith, and corrupt to the highest degree. This example I consider as the first cause of the demoralization of the Americans. The errors incident to the voluntary system of religion are the second: the power of the clergy is destroyed, and the tyranny of the laity has produced the effect of the outward form having been substituted for the real feeling, and hypocrisy has been but too often substituted for religion.

To the evil of bad example from the government is superadded the natural tendency of a democratic form of government to excite ambition without having the power to gratify it morally or virtuously; and the debasing influence of the pursuit of gain is everywhere appaIt shows itself in the fact that money is in America every thing, and every thing else nothing.'-Vol. ii. pp. 142-144.

rent.

A recklessness and indifference to the loss of human life is one of the immoralities for which it seems that the institutions of the Americans have to answer. This is attributed to the eager pursuit of gain, which renders them indifferent to the furious speed of their coaches and steam carriages, the want of sea-worthiness in their vessels, and the danger from fires and explosions in the racing of their steam-boats on the rivers. But do these things happen in America only? Are there no steam-boats on our waters, loaded almost to sinking on our holidays for the sake of gain? No collisions on the Thames? No bursting of boilers on the Clyde? How often have Mercator and Scrutator assured us in our daily papers, that the disproportionate loss of life in our merchant service, arises from the circumstance that our ships are not sea-worthy? Our cargoes and our vessels say they are insured to the full value at Lloyd's (often we believe above it), and as to the men, n'importe, they are no loss-at least to the owners.

The only difference in the two cases appears to be, that in America the government is taking severe measures to check the evil, while no government in this country, so far as we know, has ever troubled itself on the subject. So that democracy appears to us to have the advantage here, at least.

The thirst of gain it seems has also produced a spirit of false

hood and dishonesty, which has thoroughly corrupted the morals of the people. This, however, cannot apply to all the people, for there are even now thousands of virtuous, honorable, and ' enlightened people in the United States.'-vol. ii. p. 143. Nor can it, moreover, apply to the whole trading community even; for The New York merchants are, as a body, highly honorable men.'-p. 149.

We suppose, then, it must be applicable only to the lower grades among traders. At p. 152, vol. ii. we read,

'Trade demoralizes; there are so many petty arts and frauds necessary to be resorted to by every class in trade, to enable them to compete with each other; so many lies told, as a matter of business, to tempt a purchaser, that almost insensibly and by degrees the shopkeeper becomes dishonest. These demoralizing practices must be resorted to, even by those who would fain avoid them, or they have no chance of competing with their rivals in business. It is not the honest tradesman who makes a rapid fortune; indeed, it is doubtful whether he could carry on his business; and yet, from assuetude and not being taxed with dishonesty, the shopkeeper scarcely ever feels that he is dishonest. Now, this is the worst state of demoralization, where you are blind to your errors, and conscience is never awakened, and in this state may be considered, with few exceptions, every class of traders, whether in England, America, or elsewhere.'

Now, as the vices of a nation are the consequences of its institutions; and recklessness of life, falsehood, and dishonesty, in certain classes in America, are owing to democracy, and the voluntary principle; it follows of course that the same vices in the same classes in this country, must be owing to a monarchical form of government, and an established church.

But all the immorality in the United States is not owing to the spirit of gain; a great part of it is attributed to the want of an aristocracy. Here some indications of the trap are apparent; and, as regards our own country, we learn for the first time, that the high tone of morality and religion among us is owing to the aristocracy! An aristocracy is as necessary for the morals as 'for the government of a nation.' There being more morality 'among the lower class than in the middling, and still more in the 'higher than in the lower' (!)-vol. ii. p. 151. Moreover, 'It has 'been acknowledged by other nations, and I believe it to be true, 'that the nobility and gentry of England are the most moral, most ' religious, and most honorable classes that can be found, not only in our country, but in any other country in the world, and such 'they certainly ought from circumstances to be.'-p. 155.

We deny the position altogether; extremes meet, and those who are from circumstances' either above or below the necessity of observing the stricter decencies of society, will always be 'from

say at this present time, for it was not so even twenty years ago, and possibly may not be so twenty years hence. There is a change constantly going on, in every thing below, and I believe, for many reasons, that a change for the better will soon take place in America. There are even now many thousands of virtuous, honorable, and enlightened people in the United States; but at present virtue is passive, while vice is active.

'I have observed in my preface, that the virtues and vices of a nation are to be traced to a form of government, the climate, and circumstances; and it will be easy to show that to the above may be ascribed much of the merit as well as the demerits of the people of the United States. In the first place, I consider the example set by the government as most injurious; as I shall hereafter prove, it is insatiable in its ambition, regardless of its faith, and corrupt to the highest degree. This example I consider as the first cause of the demoralization of the Americans. The errors incident to the voluntary system of religion are the second: the power of the clergy is destroyed, and the tyranny of the laity has produced the effect of the outward form having been substituted for the real feeling, and hypocrisy has been but too often substituted for religion.

To the evil of bad example from the government is superadded the natural tendency of a democratic form of government to excite ambition without having the power to gratify it morally or virtuously; and the debasing influence of the pursuit of gain is everywhere apparent. It shows itself in the fact that money is in America every thing, and every thing else nothing.'-Vol. ii. pp. 142-144.

A recklessness and indifference to the loss of human life is one of the immoralities for which it seems that the institutions of the Americans have to answer. This is attributed to the eager pursuit of gain, which renders them indifferent to the furious speed of their coaches and steam carriages, the want of sea-worthiness in their vessels, and the danger from fires and explosions in the racing of their steam-boats on the rivers. But do these things happen in America only? Are there no steam-boats on our waters, loaded almost to sinking on our holidays for the sake of gain? No collisions on the Thames? No bursting of boilers on the Clyde? How often have Mercator and Scrutator assured us in our daily papers, that the disproportionate loss of life in our merchant service, arises from the circumstance that our ships are not sea-worthy? Our cargoes and our vessels say they are insured to the full value at Lloyd's (often we believe above it), and as to the men, n'importe, they are no loss-at least to the owners.

The only difference in the two cases appears to be, that in America the government is taking severe measures to check the evil, while no government in this country, so far as we know, has ever troubled itself on the subject. So that democracy appears to us to have the advantage here, at least.

The thirst of gain it seems has also produced a spirit of false

hood and dishonesty, which has thoroughly corrupted the morals of the people. This, however, cannot apply to all the people, forthere are even now thousands of virtuous, honorable, and enlightened people in the United States.'-vol. ii. p. 143. Nor can it, moreover, apply to the whole trading community even; for The New York merchants are, as a body, highly honorable men.'-p. 149.

We suppose, then, it must be applicable only to the lower grades among traders. At p. 152, vol. ii. we read,

'Trade demoralizes; there are so many petty arts and frauds necessary to be resorted to by every class in trade, to enable them to compete with each other; so many lies told, as a matter of business, to tempt a purchaser, that almost insensibly and by degrees the shopkeeper becomes dishonest. These demoralizing practices must be resorted to, even by those who would fain avoid them, or they have no chance of competing with their rivals in business. It is not the honest tradesman who makes a rapid fortune; indeed, it is doubtful whether he could carry on his business; and yet, from assuetude and not being taxed with dishonesty, the shopkeeper scarcely ever feels that he is dishonest. Now, this is the worst state of demoralization, where you are blind to your errors, and conscience is never awakened, and in this state may be considered, with few exceptions, every class of traders, whether in England, America, or elsewhere.'

Now, as the vices of a nation are the consequences of its institutions; and recklessness of life, falsehood, and dishonesty, in certain classes in America, are owing to democracy, and the voluntary principle; it follows of course that the same vices in the same classes in this country, must be owing to a monarchical form of government, and an established church.

But all the immorality in the United States is not owing to the spirit of gain; a great part of it is attributed to the want of an aristocracy. Here some indications of the trap are apparent; and, as regards our own country, we learn for the first time, that the high tone of morality and religion among us is owing to the aristocracy! 'An aristocracy is as necessary for the morals as 'for the government of a nation.' There being more morality 'among the lower class than in the middling, and still more in the higher than in the lower' (!)—vol. ii. p. 151. Moreover, 'It has 'been acknowledged by other nations, and I believe it to be true, 'that the nobility and gentry of England are the most moral, most ' religious, and most honorable classes that can be found, not only in our country, but in any other country in the world, and such 'they certainly ought from circumstances to be.'-p. 155.

We deny the position altogether; extremes meet, and those who are from circumstances' either above or below the necessity of observing the stricter decencies of society, will always be 'from

'circumstances' less moral than those who are under the necessity of respecting them.

Again, M. De Tocqueville (of quotations from whom, by the bye, a good part of this second volume is made up) opineth, that In aristocratic governments the individuals who are placed at the head of affairs are rich men, who are solely desirous of power. 'In democracies statesmen are poor, and they have their fortunes 'to make. The consequence is, that in aristocratic states the 'rulers are rarely accessible to corruption, and have very little craving for money; whilst the reverse is the case in democratic 'nations.'-vol. ii. p. 158. This,' says our author, is true.' We say it is not true. M. De Tocqueville is a Frenchman, and he has dared to write and print this, with the recorded history of the whole French aristocracy before him; from the time of Henri Quatre, to that of Louis the Sixteenth inclusive; and a prouder, meaner, baser, and more profligate order never disgraced a nation. 6 Rarely accessible to corruption,' indeed! they were corruption itself; little craving for money!' why they would accept of fifty louis d'ors from a king, a financier, or a king's concubine; and crawled from profligacy to vice, and from vice to villany, till the nation rose, and crushed them! We fancy M. De Tocqueville, also, has a taste for assisting conservatism by doing serious injury to democracy.'

As regards our own country, no part of M. De Tocqueville's statement is a matter of course. It is not a thing of necessity here that a plebeian statesman should be poor, or a noble statesman rich; and there are more means of corruption than putting money in one's hand. A poor nobleman might refuse a thousand pounds, and accept a place; or a rich one might possibly desire to leave his fortune to his eldest son, and allow the country the honor of providing for all the younger ones. The chairman at a late public dinner, a captain in the navy (and, therefore, of course, a good authority for any thing), is reported to have said, that in his time, and in his profession, no man had even a chance of rising, unless he were the son of a lord, a Tory, or, we believe he added, a Scotchman; if he were referring to Lord Melville's time, no doubt he did. Could corruption be carried to a greater height than this, in any democracy on earth?

The mention of this last named personage reminds us of a charge which is somewhat violently urged against America, viz., that in that country a public defaulter escapes unpunished; on which we make no further comment.

We now recur to the assertion, that in this country there is 'more morality among the lower class than in the middling, and * still more in the higher than in the lower;' and shall endeavor to point out the fallacies by which it is attempted-for the effort is made to justify it. A more complete piece of Tory Jesuitism