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but not the other part, and may think that part which he does see very insufficient, as indeed it often would be. Do all you can, you may not be able to explain to him the other part, possibly it might not be proper to explain it to him. The child must know a great deal more, and act and obey a great deal more, before he will be able to take in and appreciate the real reasons of half of what he is ordered to do. Let him do what he is told, and after a time he shall find that it was right. This is the principle of all virtue, as well as of religious obedience. Action precedes and accompanies knowledge. In education there is great need of faith; faith on the part of the master or parent that the seed sown will not be choked, but will be fruitful of good; faith on the part of the child, towards his master or parent, that what he does or orders is for his good, and will prove so in the end. This is the true principle of a child's obedience. This is the ground on which it is placed by Scripture, by common sense, and by universal experience.

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A parent sometimes directs a child to do a particular thing, and then assigns a reason why he should do it. The child hesitates, objects, argues; at last the parent will say, Well then, do it because I tell you.' If this had been said at first, it would have saved much trouble and many words. So, a master should never argue with a pupil; never allow a boy to answer again, reply, ask reasons, and so on. All this is out of place, and detrimental to good order and healthy discipline.

But, it may be asked, would not these principles encourage arbitrariness and tyranny on the part of masters? On the contrary, a master (if what he ought to be, which is of course presupposed), finding his responsibility so great, will take the greater pains to be in the right; finding that whatever he orders is to be done, will not order what is unnecessary, or unjust; finding his pupils submissive towards him, will be lenient though strict, and kind though authoritative, towards them. And this is what boys themselves always prefer. There is nothing they hate so much as an uncertain, vacillating, capricious discipline; no master is so much respected as one who will be obeyed, and who keeps them in strict order and up to the mark. Boys do not really like confusion any more than men; they like order and regularity, and he who insists on order and regularity, and, without caprice, enforces obedience, is sure of their respect. They have no respect for a man who does not claim respect as his due; they cannot submit willingly and regularly to one who does not insist on obedience and regularity himself. It is too much to expect a large number of boys or men to keep themselves in order, without some actual, visible, external restraint. And this both men and boys like. They actually enjoy more liberty by being so restrained: they are more comfortable for being kept in a state

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of high discipline. Legum,' says Cicero,* idcirco omnes servi 'sumus, ut liberi esse possimus.'

We have said much against the sciences supplanting the classics, or even interfering with their high claims in education. It may be asked then, Would you give a boy no scientific knowledge? Would you have him leave school without any information on the most important and interesting facts in science or any general knowledge? We reply, by no means. Those most important facts can be communicated in a very short time, and as the pupil is become versed in arithmetic (which we have all along supposed), if not also in the mathematics, he will have no difficulty in following out any of the sciences to which his future destination may lead him, seeing that by his classical studies he has acquired a power, which, being applicable to any object, will enable him to make progress in chemistry as well as in history, if he chooses to devote himself to that study. And as to general knowledge; we conceive that a well-stocked library, containing books of entertainment and instruction of various kinds and on various subjects, is the best teacher. The pupil can there suit his own taste, and if he is fond of natural history, he can and will choose Buffon, or some other books which treat of it; if he prefers biography, he will choose the life of Nelson, of Cortez, of Wellington, or some other favorite hero, perhaps even the volumes of the veracious Plutarch; if he leans to natural philosophy, he will choose books relating to that subject; and if he has a taste for anecdotes, the Percy anecdotes, and such-like volumes are at his command. By such voluntary and unshackled indulgence of particular taste and propension within given limits, a boy's mind will develop in the most natural manner.

There are many other points on which we should have wished to touch; such as the proportions and kinds of liberty which should be allowed, and of restraint which should be exercised in schools, the most efficacious kinds of rewards and punishments, the hours of study, the amount of actual instruction which should be given, and the amount of solitary independent preparation which should be required; the effect of lectures, and so forth, on all which subjects there is much popular misconception: but the length to which this paper has already extended, warns us to conclude. We cannot finish, however, without again adverting to the increased and increasing number of works on the subject of education. Books on education have multiplied within the last few years beyond all precedent. We cannot say that we think people have acquired juster notions on the subject, or have made any material progress in consequence of these productions.

* Pro A. Cluentio, § 53.

They have, as we have before said, and it cannot be too often repeated, they have been written chiefly, almost entirely, by unpractical men, and we may add, women. They have been written by theorizers, who have seen evils, and thought they saw how to remedy them, and they might have remedied them, and so could any one else, if a few strokes of the pen would do it. But this is not the case. Children have wills; and they cannot be worked quite in a mechanical way like a steam engine. No antecedently formed plan can provide for emergencies which may arise, and may arise every day; no antecedent study or thought can anticipate the difficulties which occur, or the means of meeting them. A plan which sounds well to the ear, and looks well on paper, and seems plausible and feasible to one who is not a teacher, will often to a man of ten years' experience in teaching, be obviously unmanageable and absurd. The framer of the plan did not know the material he had to work on, or the way of working upon it. The practical schoolmaster, like a skilful lawyer, knows what boys are, and what they are in numbers, and what effect any given plan will be likely to have on them; and when any new plan is proposed, he falls back on his precedents, and applies his knowledge of the past to any proposal for the future. A new theory or speculation will not deceive him. Theorizers are liable to be deceived at every step. Results which they fancy will follow a given course, the practical schoolmaster often knows will not follow. Experience is the safe guide. We cannot, then, but express our regret that the educational treatises and manuals with which the public has lately been inundated, have not been written by practical men, men of experience in that on which they offer to instruct others.

We want no more treatises on teaching from writers who have never taught; no more plans of education from persons who have never educated; no more schemes of discipline from those who have never exercised discipline themselves. The opinion of one practical schoolmaster is worth more than that of a hundred theorizers.

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Art. II. Moral Views of Commerce, Society, and Politics; in Twelve Discourses. By the Rev. ORVILLE DEWEY. 12mo. Fox, Paternoster Row.

THRICE honored be the man of whatever country, creed, or party, who should prevail to introduce and give efficiency to another and a purer morality than that which at present presides over, or rather leaves lawless, both the commerce and the politics of Christendom-and surely above all parallel or precedent, the politics of our own country. The curse of selfishness -of blind, grasping covetousness, ravenous for gain, vigorously and intensely set to its purpose, is indeed but too odiously visible in many of the transactions of commerce. Yet this is a dull and innocuous demon in comparison with the fierce and reckless fiend that has taken upon him to rule the region of politics, and to whom his votaries seem to have conceded by acclamation, not only an unlimited, but an utterly reckless domination. The god of their idolatry is a most perfect and consummate diabolus, accomplished in every art of satanic policy, and equipped with every weapon of the infernal armory. Yet, strange to tell, he is transformed into an angel of light, invokes the name of Christ, sprinkles himself with holy water, and claims both the sanction and protection of the cross.

Moderate men and pious men are weeping in secret places, and sighing in spirit, for the abominations that are perpetrated at noon-day, but no one appears to lift up a standard for outraged truth, and forgotten justice, and banished honor. The press has become a bottomless pit, pouring forth its daily, weekly, monthly, and quarterly volumes of fire and brimstone, which not only outtop and overpower all the barriers of morality, but threaten to convulse and devastate society to its lowest foundations. The very pulpits of the land are now becoming usurped by this political demon, from whence he is hurling firebrands, arrows, and death, in all directions and at high places.

In defiance of decency, truth, and conscience, our would-be dictators, and soi-disant expositors of public opinion, are at the present moment insulting humanity, belying patriotism, and trampling christianity under their iron hoofs. The men who ought, from their office, and their profession, to be foremost in quelling the spirit of party, and enforcing the claims of candor, truth, and justice, whose very names and countenances, in places of assembly and concourse, should prove like oil upon the troubled waters, or as old Nestor's eloquence upon the infuriated hosts of the Greeks, are possessed by that rabid demon of party politics, which, like the man among the tombs, snaps asunder all chains, and despite the alleged apostolicity of the whole bench

of bishops, defies the twelve apostles themselves, to cast him out; unless indeed they were at once to disown the entire succession, because of the spirit which animates it-a circumstance which many might think not at all improbable, considering that they have cautioned us against false apostles, and affirmed that, if 'any man have not the spirit of Christ, he is none of his.'

It seems, however, utterly hopeless to remind the whole party, lay and clerical, of any pledges they have given, or of any pro fessions by which they are bound. To tell them of the gentle spirit of their divine Saviour, or of the refined and impartial laws of his religion-to allege your rights as men, your feelings as christians, or your liberties as British subjects, it is like preaching to the winds, or reasoning with madness.

The times in which we live, present a large class foremost in politics, and foremost in the church, whom no force of reasoning can convince, and no pleas of equity or humanity can move. Self-us-and our, are the words that limit all that is great, good, or precious. These fill that narrow circle to which all their ideas and all their sympathies are restricted. Beyond that circle no persuasion, no argument, can by any possibility induce them to look. This is their centre and their circumference. Every thing is there. Out of it there is nothing interesting, nothing worth a thought. This is their infinity. The rancor of their spirit outstrips all parallel-the dishonesty and unfairness of their proceedings mock all morality, and laugh at conscience. Whatever may be said, and said perhaps but too justly, of the recklessness of speculation, the want of honor and good faith in business, yet the exchange and the market are virtuous and moral, we had almost said immaculate, when compared with the different arenas of political contention, and even the platforms of some of our public societies. Religion is profaned, literature is disgraced, science is defiled, social life is embittered and become exclusive or clanish. The spirit of a Bradshaw may be taken as the personification of a host of laymen, while the bigoted and reckless ravings of a Close, a M'Neil, and a Gathercole, are rousing the clergy in all directions. The pulpit is rivalling the daily press in ebullitions of political rancor and treasonable insolence. We have heard of an instance of a clergyman in one of our populous cities, who has passed beyond all competitors in a fifth of November sermon, and out-Bradshawed Bradshaw himself.

If the infuriated party had any conscience or any shame, should we after this ever hear again of political dissenters? Will the Record hereafter have the effrontery to upbraid dissenters with the sin of interfering in politics, when its own cherished party have rushed forward into the fiercest and thickest of the onslaught? The hypocrisy of the hue and cry against political dissenters is amply demonstrated by the gratulations with which

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