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Dissidents upon his estates. The tradesmen and mechanics dispersed, and the peasants were converted without difficulty. If the priests or any of the vassals were first converted, they were supported against the lord, who was compelled at length by a variety of chicanery and vexations, either to become a convert or to dispose of his estate. In this manner the Dissidents lost, during the reign of Sigismund, upwards of one hundred churches, and the Roman Catholics increased so fast, that from five only who were members of the senate at the beginning of the reign of Sigismund III., they amounted at his death to three parts of the whole assembly. During the succeeding reign the Dissidents being much oppressed decreased rapidly in their numbers; and means were at length found to keep them entirely out of the senate. Besides the laws previously mentioned, the treaty of Olivia, in the second article stipulates:-That all the subjects of the kingdom of Poland, of what condition or religion soever, were to enjoy for the future, all the rights and privileges, as well temporal as spiritual, which they had enjoyed before the war.' Yet this treaty was shamefully and disgracefully violated!!!"
That the warmest advocates of the Catholic Claims once thought securities necessary to guard against danger to the Protestant Religion.
"We have been told," said Sir J. Copley, (now Lord Chancellor,) "and certainly with some plausibility and appearance of truth, of the great constellation of men of genius, talents, experience, and statesmen-like minds by which the cause of the Roman Catholics has been supported. I confess, that when I contemplate all the circumstances which have attended that support, I do not feel oppressed by the authorities to which allusion has been made. On the contrary, I trust I shall be able to satisfy the House— I am sure I have satisfied myself that the great and distinguished authorities which have been cited, are every one of them on my side. I also remember that, in terms too clear and explicit to admit of mistake, Mr. Pitt added, that he could concede their claims to the Roman Catholics only on what he should be satisfactorily and firmly convinced were sufficient and adequate securities-securities that should place beyond risk the Protestant religion and establishment
security against domestic efforts directed to its subversion-security against any species of foreign influence-security against the effects of the united and combined spirit by which it was known that Roman Catholics were actuated.
I do not mean wilfully
"Mr. Pitt also said: to shut my eyes to this conviction, that a Roman Catholic, however honourable his intentions may be, must feel anxious to advance the interests of his religion-it is in the very nature of man; he may disclaim and renounce this wish for a time, but there is no man, who is at all acquainted with the operations of the human heart, who does not know that the Roman Catholic must feel that anxiety whenever the power and the opportunity may be favourable to him.'
"As to any thing, (said he) which I and my colleagues meditated to bring forward, I disclaim the very words in common use; the emancipation of the Catholics, or Catholic emancipation. I have never understood that subject so; I never understood the situation of the Catholics to be such; I do not now understand the situation of the Catholics to be such as that any relief from it could be correctly so described: but I think the few remaining benefits of which they have not yet participated, might have been added safely to the many benefits which have been so bounteously conferred on them in the present reign. I am of opinion that the very measure I allude to, as a claim of right, cannot be maintained; and it
is on the ground of liberality alone, and political expedience, (and in that sense, wisdom, as connected with other measures,) that I should have thought it desirable, adviseable and important: but I would not have it founded on a naked proposition, to repeal any one thing which former policy had deemed expedient for the safety of the church and state. No, Sir, it was a comprehensive and an extensive system which I intended to propose, to relinquish things certainly intended once as a security, which I thought in some respects ineffectual, (and which were liable to additional objections from the very circumstance of the object of the Union having been accomplished) and getting other security for the same objects, to have a more consistent and rational security both in church and state, according to the principle, but varying the mode, which the wisdom of our ancestors had adopted to prevent danger. The measure I intended to propose, I think, would give more safety to the church and state.'
"This was the language held by Mr. Pitt; and I find that great statesman's opinion confirmed by the authority of my Lord Grenville. That noble lord declared, that he must have adequate security for the Protestant religion against foreign influence. What was the security which was present to the mind of Lord Grenville, and without which he would not accede to the Roman Catholic claims? The Veto; the investing of the
crown with a veto on the appointment of Roman Catholic bishops.
"A short passage or two from the celebrated Letter of a noble lord (Grenville) entitled to high respect, will serve to prove the assertion.-
With the just and salutary extension of civil rights to your body must be combined, if tranquillity and union be our object, other extensive and complicated arrangements; all due provision must be made for the inviolable maintenance of the religious and civil establishments of the United Kingdom: such at least have always been my own declared opinions.' "Among these measures I pointed out the proposal of vesting in the Crown an effectual negative on the appointment of your bishops. That suggestion had previously been brought forward in the House of Commons to meet the just expectations, not of any bigoted or interested champions of intolerance, but of men of the purest intentions and most enlightened judgment-men willing to do all justice to the loyalty of your present bishops, but not unreasonably alarmed at any possibility by which functions of such extensive influence might hereafter be connected with a foreign interest hostile to the tranquillity of your country.' The necessity, then of securities, in some form or other, against foreign influence; of complicated arrangements for domestic tranquillity; of provisions for the inviolable maintenance of the civil and religious establishments of the Uni