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power, which others may enjoy who submit to the State without any such reservations or restrictions.

"That the Roman Catholics actually stand in this predicament, cannot surely be denied. I have already adverted to Bellarmine's opinion on this subject, and which he states to have been the commonly received opinion in his day: and your lordships will recollect that Bellarmine was not in the best odour with the See of Rome, his notions of the Papal prerogative not being sufficiently high to reach the views there entertained of the Pope's Supremacy. His doctrine, (and he gives it as a moderate opinion between two extremes) is this:-That the Pope, as Pope, has not directly and immediately any temporal, but only a spiritual power; nevertheless, that by reason of the spiritual, he has, at least indirectly, a certain power, and that supreme, in temporals: That the power of the Pope is indeed properly, in itself, and directly, spiritual; but by it he can dispose of the temporal things of all Christians, when that is required for the end of the spiritual power, to which the ends of all temporal power, are subordinate; for though he has no merely temporal power, yet he has, in ordine ad bonum spirituale, the highest power over temporals.' Again; The spiritual power does not mix itself in temporal concerns, but suffers all things to proceed, as before the union, so long as they do not oppose the spiritual end, or be

not necessary to obtain it. But if any thing of this sort occurs, the spiritual can, and ought, to coerce the temporal, by any way or means which shall seem necessary for its purpose.'-This exposition needs no comment.

"But how stands this matter in the present day? Will the Roman Catholic subjects of these realms be content to acknowledge the King's Supremacy in all causes and over all persons, ecclesiastical as well as civil?' Will they allow that the Pope has no spiritual jurisdiction within these realms? Will the Pope himself relinquish his claim to appoint the clergy, and to rule them? Will he forego his superintendence over them in their respective diocesan or pastoral characters, or surrender such points as may interfere with the jurisprudence of this country? I hardly need say, that hitherto no symptom of a disposition to do this has appeared, either in the Pope himself, or in those who are bound in allegiance to him. Again, therefore, I must insist, that theirs can only be a divided allegiance; and that, therefore, they are disqualified for such an extension of privileges and favours, as may be fairly expected by their fellow-subjects who labour not under similar disqualifications."

On the subject of this divided allegiance, Lord Liverpool thus expressed himself in his speech on the Catholic Question, in 1825 :

"The noble lords opposite maintain, that it is fitting to grant the concessions demanded; be

cause the Roman Catholics of this country and Ireland ought, and are entitled, to enjoy equal civil rights and immunities at all points with their Protestant brethren. Now this is the plain proposition of the advocates for emancipation; and I will deal' plainly with it. I meet it with a decided negative. I say that the Roman Catholics are not entitled to equal rights in a Protestant country, and this opinion I will sustain. I admit—no man can dream of denying it—that all subjects in a free state are entitled to the enjoyment of equal rights upon equal conditions; but then the qualification of this principle in the case of the Roman Catholics is clear-the Roman Catholics who demand these equal rights do not afford equal conditions.

"The difference is this-it is stated in a moment-the Protestant gives an entire allegiance to his Sovereign, the Roman Catholic a divided one. The service of the former is complete, that of the latter only qualified; and unless it can be proved to me, that the man who works for half a day is entitled to as much wages as the man who works the whole day, or, in other words, that the half is equal to the whole, I cannot admit, that the Roman Catholic, whose allegiance is divided between a spiritual and a temporal master, is entitled to the enjoyment of the same civil rights and privileges as the Protestant, whose allegiance is undivided, and who acknowledges but one ruler."

"The Romish clergy, (says Blackstone in his Chapter of Treasons,) when they take orders, renounce their allegiance to their temporal sovereign, that being inconsistent with their engagement of canonical obedience to the Pope.' By those engagements they are bound to oppose, to execrate, and, as far as in them lies, to extirpate every thing heretical, that is, every thing contrary to the religion of the Church of Rome."

"If (said the Bishop of Peterborough) a church is governed by a foreigner, who has neither dependence on, nor a common interest with, the king of the country, the civil allegiance of those who belong to that church cannot fail to be weakened by their ecclesiastical allegiance.

"Yet notwithstanding this anomaly of government, notwithstanding this confusion of foreign with domestic allegiance, we are told there is no reason to apprehend that the one should interfere with the other. We are told that the provinces of spiritual and of temporal obedience are quite distinct; and, therefore, that obedience to the Pope in things spiritual can never detract from obedience to the king in things temporal. But where religion and politics are so blended, as in this country, it is often difficult to determine whether the subject of dispute shall be regarded as a civil, or regarded as a religious question. The very case which is now before us is a case in point. Some view it in a civil light, others in

a religious light. And if the question is civil in itself, it is still so connected with religion, that it cannot be duly appreciated without taking religion into the account. It is unavoidable, therefore, that doubts should arise; whether a subject of dispute shall be considered as a spiritual, or considered as a temporal concern And to whom will the members of the Church of Rome apply in such cases for a solution of their doubts? Why, they will apply to the self-same spiritual power which is at issue with the temporal.

"Under such circumstances allegiance to the Pope must interfere with allegiance to the king. And when it does interfere, when the soul is threatened on the one side, the body only on the other, men will yield to that authority of which they are the most afraid. The power which commands the conscience, will command the conduct of the man. And this power, which is a foreign power, the power of a foreign prince, is so easily directed by foreign intrigue to purposes subversive of our Constitution, that they who submit to such a power are hardly qualified to undertake the guidance of our Constitution."

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