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The same incendiary* tells them that they are 'chased like foxes, hunted like deer, snared like hares, trapped like vermin, caged like birds, tied to stakes and baited like bulls!-That, for all this usage, and for the concomitant curses of poverty, and famine, and disease, they are 'indebted solely to the external power, the foreign sovereignty, which plays the despot there, by means of its factious resident garrison of infuriated sectarists; who, clothed in purple and fine linen, faring sumptuously, riot at their charges, in every species of debauchery-living on the fat of the land-dwelling at their ease in magnificent mansions and comfortable cottages-whilst the Irish people, the legitimate owners of the soil, half naked, half starved, are doomed to linger
* "The author of Captain Rock's Letters to the King. There are few of our readers who can need to be informed that these Letters are certainly not written by Mr. Moore, to whom, while the publication was suspended, they were so positively ascribed. That gentleman has indeed laboured to inflame the vindictive passions of an ignorant and ferocious people most industriously; and he has exulted, merrily exulted in the display of their ferocity, with a recklessness which would be incredible, if we did not know that the spirit of party can sometimes sear the heart as much as it warps the understanding.
Through Connaught, Ulster, Leinster, Munster,
Rock is the boy to make the fun stir!'
The fun which the Irish poet thus encourages in his countrymen, consists in maiming cattle, and leaving them to die in lingering agony; murdering individuals; surrounding houses at night, setting fire to them, and shooting or piking the inmates when they endeavour to escape from the flames!' (See No. Ixxvi. of the Quarterly Review.)
out a wretched existence in filthy hovels, to which an Englishman would not run the hazard of committing his hogs.' The mind of the people is on fire, and the breath of these demagogues 6 like a stream of brimstone doth kindle it.' Well might Mr. Dawson say that, in what is called figurative language, the exuberance and eloquence of a heated imagination, and so forth,' by those who seek to apologize for the incendiaries, with more or less participation in their desires and designs, the Roman Catholic peasant sees good practical matter, and would not be sorry to have it brought to the test of experience.' 'Every artifice,' says Dr. Phelan, has long been used to familiarize our fiery peasantry to the contemplation of the most ferocious deeds; insurrection is acted over weekly, almost daily, in the imagination of those multitudes who are swayed by the speeches of a few cool incendiaries.'
"But everything is done quietly and lawfully: the Catholic Association act as they have a right to do.'-Oh yes! We have an old illustration at hand, and an illustrious one it is, of this sort of quietness, and lawfulness, and right. Guy Faux and his associates had a right to hire a vault under the House of Lords; there was nothing but what was quiet and lawful in this. They had a right to purchase gunpowder, like any other freeborn Englishmen: they had a right also to deposit any part of their property in the
vault-as many barrels, for instance, as they pleased and to cover the barrels with faggots; this also was lawful, and nothing could be done more quietly. Moreover, Guy Faux had an undoubted right to go into the aforesaid vault when he pleased, at any time or season, whether the king and the peers of the realm were or were not assembled in the chamber above; and he had a right also, an undoubted right, to carry a dark lantern with him. Thus far every step in the business was quietly taken; nothing had been done but what was lawful-nothing but what Guy and his associates had a right to do. It was in the ulterior measures in their object, that the treason lay.
"With Mr. O'Connell, however, says one of their most strenuous partisans, the peace of the country is safe. Yet we are told, and by the same authority, that when this same Mr. O'Connell desired his auditors to husband their pugnacious disposition for the Orangemen of the North, 'he was answered by a ferocious shout, mixed with a merriment that was terrifying.' There is something in this which may remind us of the firemen of Constantinople, who are accused of sometimes discharging oil from their engines instead of water. At the very time when this re
liance was expressed upon the
peace-preserving powers and intentions of Mr. O'Connell, the following passage appeared in the report of his harangue at Clonmel :--
"Am I not standing in the town where, in the year 1769, fifty-nine years ago, a priest of the Catholic church was tried by an Orange jury, found guilty on the swearing of a perjured informer, and hanged ignominiously for the murder of a man who lived for forty-four years after the death of Father Sheehy? (Hear, hear!) Tell it at home to your wives and children; and, believe me, no man ever did wrong who consulted with his good wife. (Hear, hear!) Are not your enemies of this day, the sons and grandsons of the murderers of the martyred Father Sheehy? And would they not, if they could, treat you as their Orange grandsires treated the Catholic priest?' (Cheers.)*
"If it be true, as too certainly it is, that Mr. O'Connell at this time wields at will some millions of the Irish people, can we indeed persuade ourselves, or suffer ourselves to be persuaded, that the peace of the country is safe in his hands, when we find him haranguing the multitude in this strain-a multitude, whom another agitator describes as being in martial array, and ready
*« If the case had been as bad as it is represented, it would afford no justification, no excuse, no palliation for the demagogue who, after fifty-nine years, thus revived it, for the purpose of exasperating a ferocious multitude. But the fact is, that this Father Sheehy was mainly instrumental in exciting the Whiteboy disturbances; and having thoroughly deserved death, suffered it (like Probert) after a verdict upon which it is probable that he might not have been executed, had it not been for his previous and notorious character."
to start up in insurrection if, in their maddened judgment, they should think there was a disastrous necessity for it?'
That the Pope's spiritual authority is inseparably connected with temporal power; and that therefore the allegiance of a Roman Catholic is a divided allegiance.
Lord Clarendon has long since truly told us, ❝ that it is vain to legislate concerning the Roman Catholic laity, unless you also bind their clergy; for they turn things civil into things spiritual at their pleasure: and holding in servitude the conscience, they do therefore govern also the actions of the laity.
"That the attributing any power to the Pope, or acknowledging any to be in him of how spiritual a nature soever it is thought to be, shall be enough to give law to the temporal, when a spiritual end shall so direct it."
It is easy to show that the distinction which is attempted to be drawn between the Papal supremacy in things spiritual and things temporal, is a distinction which exists only in theory. Before it can be admitted as practical, the religionists of