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of the Southern States then exceeded a million and a half, while the population of New England was less than a million, and that of the Middle States about the same. New England furnished more than one half of the army, and the Southern States furnished but an insignificant fraction more than the Middle States. The proportion of soldiers to the whole population, (taking the average of the years from 1775 to 1783 inclusive,) was in the Southern States a little more than one fourth of what it was in New England, and a little less than one half of what it was in the Middle States. Of the Southern States, Maryland supplied the greatest number of soldiers in proportion to her population; but her proportion was less than one third of that of Massachusetts, was exceeded by all the Northern and Middle States except Delaware, and nearly equalled by Delaware.

By "the great captains" are meant, no doubt, the generals of our armies. We have before us lists of the generals of the Continental army in 1776 and in 1783. Besides the Commander-in-chief, there were, in 1776, four Major Generals, one Adjutant General, and eight Brigadier Generals. Of the Major Generals the South furnished but one, New England two, and New York one. Of the Brigadier Generals New England furnished all but one, and he was from New York. The Adjutant General was from Virginia, making, with the Commander-in-chief, three Generals from the Southern States, while four were from Massachusetts alone. In 1783, there were fifteen Major Generals, and twenty-one Brigadier Generals. Of the Major Generals, five were from New England, three were from the Middle States, four from the Southern States, and three were foreigners. Of the Brigadier Generals, six were from New England, six from the Middle, and nine from the Southern States. As regards military fame, we feel ourselves incompetent to decide which of these "great captains shed the most glory on American arms;" but we had supposed that (Washington alone excepted) no Southern names took precedence in the annals of the Revolution of those of Putnam, Montgomery, Sullivan, Greene, Knox, and Stark.

We here close our analysis of the article, which we have taken for our text, having discussed every prominent head of argument, and given, as we think, an entirely fair statement of the whole chain of reasoning. But there are a few general

remarks, which we would offer concerning the ground assumed in this article. We would first advert to the contrast, which it presents to the current of common opinion at the South on the subject of slavery in former years. The abolition doctrines emphatically so called have always been Southern doctrines until very recently. Among the earliest Abolition Societies in this country were extensive organizations under that express name in the slave-holding States themselves. We have before us a Memorial to Congress, in 1791, from the "Virginia Society for the Abolition of Slavery," containing the following words, which he, who should now write or utter south of Mason's and Dixon's line, would probably seal them with his blood: "Slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel, and inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of man." We have also similar memorials from the Baltimore, Chestertown, and Caroline County Abolition Societies, in Maryland, founded on the principle of "avowed enmity to slavery in every form." These anti-slavery professions were currently made in Virginia, Maryland, and Kentucky, for nearly forty years, not only by avowed philanthropists, but in not a few legislative speeches and reports; nor was there in the more Southern States any strong expression of opinion in favor of slavery, but rather a demand for its tolerance as a necessary evil. Meanwhile, a vast amount of pro-slavery legislation was smuggled through Congress by the apathy of the North, and the very seat of government was gradually made the great slave mart of the Union. But when people at the North began to take Southern abolitionists at their word, and to demand of them conduct in correspondence with their professions, then the tone was changed at once, and slavery became, from a burden grevious to be borne, a pet institution, the pride and glory of the land, and in accordance with the law of nature and of God. We condemn the violent and denunciatory spirit, in which this slave-holders have been of late years assailed from the North; but would suggest that the tergiversation of the South upon the subject, (on which a large amount of earnest sympathy and ardent coöperation was reasonably anticipated from that quarter, when the present Abolition movements commenced at the North,) accounts for and palliates in some degree the severe and acrimonious spirit, which has marked our anti-slavery sayings and doings.

We would next remark, that the reasoning of the article under review, even if sound, does not apply to slavery as it now is. It dooms to slavery the posterity of Canaan alone, not the mingled seed of Canaan and Japheth. Noah did not by his curse bind the daughters of Canaan to bear to Japheth children, whom he should make slaves. And if Japheth was the special subject of Noah's blessing, then does the mulatto stand between the blessing and the curse, and the quadroon and every lighter shade of complexion are partakers of the blessing, and are ordained to be slave-holders and not slaves. We see not how our brethren of the Southern Review can escape this inference, or do otherwise than advocate as a religious duty the immediate emancipation of all, who have in their veins more of Japheth's than of Canaan's blood. But this is a process, which would free half the slaves in the country. Northern people, who visit the South, are full of amazement at the light complexion of the slave population generally, and are perpetually taking for white men and women people, whom they ascertain to be slaves. The slave Latimer, whose case has produced such a ferment in Virginia, might pass anywhere for a white man. At least, so it seemed to us, as we saw him in a brilliantly lighted hall, and at a distance of about fifteen feet. He was sitting on a stage with several negroes; and, until he was introduced as the hero of the evening, we took him for some white youth, who for his meritorious services had been exalted to the negro's seat. His countenance is intelligent and handsome; his eye clear and expressive; his hair long and black, with but a slight twist or curliness, just enough to hint a remote cousinhood to the wool of the African race. He gave a brief narrative of the feelings, that prompted him to seek his liberty; and it betrayed that native dignity of soul, that self-consciousness of a right to freedom, that impatience of arbitrary rule, however merciful, in which the posterity of Japheth claim a wide distinction between themselves and the African race.

But the reasoning of the Southern Review, while it would free half the slaves that now are, justifies the slave-trade, nay, makes it an imperative duty, a duty of Christian philanthropy. If the Africans are the descendants of Canaan, if they are happy in no condition but that of slavery, and if they are destined by the decree of God to serve Japheth "in the tents of Shem" forever, then does the slave-ship sail on a humane and pious errand, and every friend of man should wish her a Godspeed. VOL. XXXIV. 3D S. VOL. XVI. NO. I.

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And, as no human legislation can make void the law of God, our fellow-citizens at the South are worthy of all praise for still conducting this traffic, though the civilized nations of the earth, in their ungodly counsels, have agreed to declare it piracy. That the slave-trade is still pursued to some extent from the South we infer from the statement in the article, which has been the subject of our comments, that "in the Southern States, particularly in Louisiana, there are many African-born Canaanites."

One word more. Our brethren at the South are seeking to legitimate slavery and the slave-trade by appeals to the Bible, as the fundamental and supreme law of the world, and particularly to the Pentateuch, as containing under divine sanction the germs of that" patriarchal system," by which the African race is made to serve them. Let them not then take it amiss, that we at the North should share in their reverence for God's revealed word, and for that portion of the divine law which Moses wrote. Let them bear with us, should we hereafter obey, as we undoubtedly shall, the precept recorded in Deuteronomy xxiii. 15, 16: "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee; he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him." Surely our fellow-citizens at the South will not claim a monopoly of piety. While they take their position upon the Bible, they will, we trust, give us their support and sympathy in obeying one of its plainest and clearest commandments.

We may perhaps in some future Number present our views of the position and duties of the North with regard to slavery; and we know not how better to close the present article, than by the closing piece in Mr. Longfellow's "Poems on Slavery," which we should have made the subject of a more prolonged notice, had we not been anticipated in the last Number. The piece is entitled "The Warning."

"Beware! the Israelite of old, who tore

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The lion in his path, when, poor and blind,
He saw the blessed light of heaven no more,
Shorn of his noble strength and forced to grind
In prison, and at last led forth to be

A pander to Philistine revelry, —

"Upon the pillars of the temple laid

His desperate hands, and in its overthrow
Destroyed himself, and with him those, who made
A cruel mockery of his sightless woe,

The poor, blind slave, the scoff and jest of all,
Expired, and thousands perished in the fall!

"There is a poor, blind Samson in this land,

Shorn of his strength, and bound in bonds of steel,
Who may, in some grim revel, raise his hand,
And shake the pillars of this Commonweal,

Till the vast Temple of our liberties
A shapeless mass of wreck and rubbish lies."

A. P. P.

TO-MORROW.

FROM THE SPANISH OF LOPE DE VEGA.

LORD, what am I, that, with unceasing care,
Thou didst seek after me, - that thou didst wait,
Wet with unhealthy dews, before my gate,
And pass the gloomy nights of winter there?

O strange delusion! - that I did not greet

Thy blest approach, and O, to Heaven how lost,

If my ingratitude's unkindly frost

Has chilled the bleeding wounds upon thy feet.

From the Voices of the Night.

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