When I see a measure excellent in itself, and not absolutely unattainable, either not made the principal object, or extravagantly loaded with conditions palpably absurd or impracticable, I cannot easily satisfy myself, that the man, who proposes it, is quite so sincere as he pretends to be. You at least, Mr. Wilkes, should have shewn more temper and prudence, and a better knowledge of mankind. No personal respects whatsoever should have persuaded you to concur in these ridiculous resolutions. But my own zeal, I perceive, betrays me: I will endeavour to keep a better guard upon my temper, and apply to your judgment in the most cautious and measured language.

I object, in the first place, to the bulk, and much more to the stile of your resolutions of the 23d of July *; though some part of the

A copy of which is subjoined, to enable the reader the better to understand JUNIUS's objections to them. They are as follow:

London Tavern, July 23, 1771.

SUPPORTERS OF THE BILL OF RIGHTS.

SAVAGE BARRELL, ESQ. IN THE CHAIR.

Resolved,

THAT the preamble, with the articles reported this day from the committee, be printed and published from this society.

Whoever seriously considers the conduct of administration, both at home and abroad, can hardly entertain a doubt, that á plan is formed to subvert the constitution.

preamble is as pointed as I could wish. You talk of yourselves with too much authority and importance. By assuming this false pomp and air of consequence, you either give general disgust, or, what is infinitely more dangerous, you expose yourselves to be laughed at. The English are a fastidious people, and will not submit

In the same manner, whoever attentively examines into the proceedings of the present House of Commons, must apprehend, that such another house for seven years, after the termination of the present parliament, would effectually accomplish the views of the Court, and leave no hope of redress but in an appeal to God.

The Middlesex election, taken on its true ground; the employment of the standing army, in St. George's Fields; the granting half a million, without enquiring into the expenditure of the civil list money, and upon the dangerous principle of considering the debts of the civil list as the debts of the nation; and encroaching, to discharge them, upon the sinking fund, the great support of public credit; the attempts made on juries, the last sacred bulwark of liberty and law; the arbitrary and venal hand with which government is conducted in Ireland; the new and most unconstitutional mode of raising a revenue on the people of America, without asking the consent of their representatives; the introduction of an universal excise in America, instead of the laws of customs; the advancing the military above the civil power, and employing troops to awe the legislature:-All these are measures of so marked, so mischievous a nature, that it is impossible they should be unfelt or misunderstood: yet these are measures which the House of Commons have acquiesced in, countenanced, or executed.

If the present House of Commons then have given such

to be talked to in so high a tone, by a set of private gentlemen, of whom they know nothing, but that they call themselves Supporters of the Bill of Rights. There are questions, which, in good policy, you should never provoke the people in general to ask themselves. At the same time, Sir, I am far from meaning to undervalue the

vital wounds to the constitution, who is it can doubt, who is it can hope, that the conduct of such another House, will not be mortal to our liberties?

The trustees of the people should be pure of all interested communication with the Court or its ministers; yet the cor rupt correspondence between the members of the House and the Court is as notorious now as it is abhorrent from every great and good purpose of their institution. Placemen, pensioners, contractors and receivers of lottery tickets, abound to such a degree in the House of Commons, that it is impossible a House so constituted can do their duty to the people.

It must be plain to the most common apprehension, that men deputed by the people, to watch over and guard their rights against the Crown and its ministers, and, for that purpose, vested with the transcendent powers of refusing aid to the one, and impeaching the other, can never duly exercise those powers, or fulfil the intention of their election, if they are kept in pay of that Crown and those ministers. What is the plain and inevitable consequence then of entrusting such men with the guardianship of our rights, but that our rights must be betrayed and violated? Thus we have seen a House of Commons infringing, as the Court had pre-ordained, the sacred birthright of the people in the freedom of election; erasing a judicial record; committing to the Tower, and threatening with impeachment, the friends of the people, and the defenders of the law; while the favourites of the Court are

suffered

I

institution of this society. On the contrary, think the plan was admirable; that it has already been of signal service to the public, and may be of much greater; and I do most earnestly wish, that you would consider of, and promote a plan for forming constitutional clubs all through the kingdom. A measure of this kind would alarm

suffered to sport with the laws, and trample on the constitution, not only with impunity, but with approbation; curbing the people rigorously, and without feeling; while they uphold ministers, who are abhorred by the nation, in the most `dangerous and alarming exertions of power; granting money with the most liberal, the most licentious hand to those ministers against whom the voice of the people calls loudly for impeachment. We have a suspecting people, and a confiding representative; a complaining people, and an exulting representative; a remonstrating people, and an addressing adulating representative, a representative, that is an engine of oppression in the hand of the Crown, instead of being a grand controuling inquest in favour of the people. Such a representative is a monster in the constitution, which must fill every considerate man with grief, alarm, astonishment, and indignation.

It is corruption that has engendered, nursed, and nourished this monster. Against such corruption, then, all men, who value the preservation of their dearest rights, are called upon to unite. Let us remember, that we ourselves, our children, and our posterity, must be freemen or slaves; as we preserve or prostitute the noble birthright our ancestors bequeathed us: for should this corruption be once firmly rooted, we shall be an undone people.

Already is it fixed among the representative, and we taste, a thousand ways, the bitter fruit which it produces; should it extend equally to the electors, we must fall, as Greece and

Rome

government more, and be of more essential service to the cause, than any thing that can be done relative to new-modelling the House of Commons. You see then, that my objections are directed to the particular measure, not to the general institution.

In the consideration of this measure, my

Rome have fallen, by the same means, from the same liberty and glory, to slavery, contempt, and wretchedness.

Impressed with these ideas, the gentlemen who compose the Society of the Bill of Rights, have determined to use their utmost endeavours to exterminate this corruption, by providing for the freedom of election, the equal representation of the people, the integrity of the representative, and the redress of grievances. It is their great wish to render the House of Commons what it constitutionally ought to be, the temple of liberty. With these views they have drawn up the following articles, which they now submit to the electors of Great Britain. At the same time they, with great deference, take the liberty of recommending to the independent electors to form those articles into a solemn declaration, which the candidates, whom they support, shall be required as the indispensable condition of their being supported to sign and seal, publicly, at the general meeting, or at the place of election, binding themselves, by oath, to a due and sacred observance of what is therein contained.

The declaration so executed, may be deposited in the hands of the coroner, clerk of the peace, or magistrate before whom the oath was made, as a public memorial of what the constituent has demanded, and the representative has pledged himself to perform.

1. You shall consent to no supplies, without a previous redress of grievances.

2. You shall promote a law, subjecting each candidate to an

oath,