that house was called upon to act in a detail of this description, it ought to have something beyond mere congratulation; that the public ought to know something beyond the name of the Prince. (Hear, hear.) He had had the honor of being summoned to attend her Majesty's Privy Council, when her Majesty was graciously pleased to declare in Council her intention to become the spouse of this Prince. He observed that the precedent of the reign of George III. was followed in all respects excepting one, and that was the declaration that this Prince was a Protestant. (Hear, hear.) He entertained no doubt that he was a Protestant, he was sure he was a Protestant, he knew that he was of a Protestant family; he had the honour of being known to some of his family (hear, hear), and he was sure he was a Protestant. But this was a Protestant state, and it was absolutely necessary by law that before a person could become the spouse of her Majesty he should be a Protestant; and if the precedent of George III. was taken, the precedent ought to have been followed throughout, and the public ought to have the satisfaction of knowing that that was the fact, and ought to have it officially declared by her Majesty's government. He knew that the noble lords opposite were as well aware as he was of the anxiety of the public mind on this subject, and he knew well that they had it in their power to relieve that anxiety and to gratify the public by making the declaration-nay, more, he was convinced that her Majesty felt the same anxiety about the Prince being a Protestant as their lordships. Then, he inquired, how came the precedent of George III. to be passed over? Was there any doubt as to the sentiments of this Prince? None at all. There could be no doubt he was a Protestant (hear, hear); he could not be otherwise. (Hear.) Why was it not so stated? (Cheers from the opposition.) They had heard from other parts of these kingdoms something of this marriage. The marriage had been declared by her Majesty in Council, and he saw clearly why it was not declared in Council that the Prince was a Protestant. He had seen further proceedings on the subject since.. He confessed he was one of those who read with great attention all that passed in Ireland-all those speeches which came from that quarter, and he did it for this reason; he had been accustomed to these kind of revolutionary discussions. And although, according to the sentiment expressed by a great French author, en plein jour on ne conspire pas, still in that country (Ireland) these things were declared publicly; and therefore it was that he read those publications and missives, in order to see what the real danger was, in the hope of being able to measure it accurately, without allowing himself to be taken by surprise. Then what he meant to say was this, that what passed there afforded a very sufficient reason why the word Protestant was not inserted in the communication made to the Privy Council, and why it was

not inserted in the Speech from the Throne. He was sure, he asserted, that noble lords opposite were as much determined as himself to maintain the Protestantism of the state; but still he said that as this was the first time on which the subject came before their lordships, their lordships were not called upon to do anything more than to congratulate her Majesty on her approaching marriage; he should, therefore move the insertion in the Address of words stating that Prince Albert is a Protestant prince, and so their lordships would have the satisfaction of showing the country that we were still under a Protestant Establishment. He was the party who had brought forward in that house the proposition for the repeal of certain religious tests, and admitting Roman Catholics to all the privileges of the constitution, and enabling them to become a part of this Protestant Establishment. But he never intended-their lordships never intended-noble lords opposite, he was sure, never intended--but that this should continue to be a Protestant Establishment. (Hear, hear.) However, on the basis of that measure, as he understood, it was said, other measures had been brought forward in parliament which had very materially altered the relative power of the two classes into which the people of this country were divided. But those who had brought forward those other measures had never intended, he thought, that this should be any other than a Protestant Establishment."

We are confident that every Protestant will agree that the Noble Duke is eminently entitled to the gratitude of the Nation, for standing as it were in the breach at this moment in defence of the Protestant cause. He has been once called in the Providence of Almighty God to rescue not only his own Country but the whole Continent of Europe from the oppressive grasp of Revolutionary France, and who can say but that he may be destined like another General Monk to close his glorious career by defending if not restoring the rights of our Protestant Monarchy and Protestant Constitution.

Lord Brougham, after a splendid exposition of the complicated guilt of High Treason in every shape, proceeded to contrast the different measures used in dealing with Chartist and Popish traitors in the following terms:

"But he must say, if there was any person within the Queen's dominions who had held a like course-who, having done all he had described, was the proximate cause of rebellion, even though a rebellion should have happened here and might not have happened elsewhere, it would be a strange sight to see that the guilt which gained to one set of men the gibbet should gain for another, not the frowns, but the patronage of the Crown." (Loud cheers.)

Surely it is time that those guilty Statesmen who have so long permitted, or rather we may say encouraged, the conspiracies of

Rome, and basely surrendered all the power and patronage of Government into the hands of Popish rebels and domestic traitors, ought in their turn to be brought to justice, and called upon to account to the Nation for their conduct. Sir John Yarde Buller gave notice on the first day of the Session of a Resolution that Ministers do not possess the confidence of the Country for the 28th inst. So that in all probability their longer continuance in office will have been decided before these pages shall meet the public eye.

In the mean time we cannot too strongly express our conviction of the perilous situation of the Country. Rome, availing herself of the treacherous policy of men in power, has advanced far beyond the bounds of political equality, and attained, for all practical purposes, a complete ascendancy in the State. Every advantage that she obtains is followed up with unwearied activity; and when the Consort of the Queen is introduced to our notice under the auspices of the Papacy, we may well entertain misgivings for the security of her Protestant throne. O'Connell, before Parliament has met, begins to demand for him the enormous allowance of £100,000. per annum. And, however favourable may be the opinion we are inclined to form of Prince Albert, yet we cannot exclude from our view the fact that two members of his House are at the head of, or intimately allied with, Papal Governments; one being united in marriage with the Queen of Portugal, the other the Reigning Sovereign on the newly-created and Revolutionary throne of Belgium, and married to a Papist. These are painful reflections which cannot fail to excite feelings of apprehension in every Protestant breast.

Triste per Augurium Teucrorum pectora ducunt.

Lord Winchelsea stated, in an admirable and manly Protestant speech, that" He firmly believed that the country was in an awful state-he firmly believed that they were on the eve of a very great change-of one of the greatest convulsions which ever took place. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's ministers were, in his opinion, responsible for these things (hear, hear); they had raised the storm for the sake of carrying forward their own political objects, which now they found they could neither guide nor quell; that storm was now passing over the country, and God only knew what might be its result."

We were happy to observe that his Lordship expressed his determination to bring Lord Melbourne's misconduct in introducing Robert Owen to the Queen under the notice of Parliament.

In the midst of all our difficulties let us beware of placing reliance in man, or of making flesh our arm. 'Some put their trust in chariots and some in horses, but we will remember the name of the Lord." We will remember too the Shepherd-boy, who through faith in that great Name overcame the Champion of the

Philistines, and put to flight the armies of the Aliens. "Let us arm ourselves with the same mind,” “be valiant for the truth,” "and quit ourselves like men" in defence of our Sovereign, and the rights of the Protestant throne.

Soldiers of Christ, arise,

And put your armour on,

Strong in the strength which God supplies

Through His Eternal Son.

In awful times like the present, let us not neglect the use of constant and fervent supplication in behalf of our Country. When the children of Israel were hemmed in with dangers on every side, they cried unto the Lord in their trouble, and he delivered them out of their distresses, and saved them from the hands of the Ægyptians.

But the subject calls for a serious application of a personal character. And what must be said of those who are sunk in ease and self-indulgence, and are sleeping in carnal indulgence whilst the tempest is gathering over their heads? What will they say when they are told that judgments are impending over the Country, and that there is great reason to apprehend that a persecution is approaching, which, according to the opinion of a late eminent Prelate of our Church, may be of a most fearful and desolating character. But it will differ, as he thought, from former persecutions in this respect, that it will be confined to nominal Christians. How important then for each of us to look to his own standing, that we may be of the number of those who "believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, worship God in the Spirit, and have no confidence in the flesh." Let us bear in mind the words of the Christian patriot, Colonel Gardiner, who died nobly fighting in defence of his lawful Sovereign and our Protestant Constitution against a Popish Pretender.

"I am greatly surprized," said he "that the people of Scotland should be employed in such foolish diversions, when our situation is at present more melancholy than ever I saw it in my life. But there is one thing which I am very sure of, that comforts me, namely, that it shall go well with the righteous, come what will.” Since the foregoing was in type the following

IMPORTANT INTELLIGENCE,

taken from the Atlas Newspaper, has been received by the Protestant Association from a Clergyman in the Country.

"The Catholic Clergy of the West of Ireland are organizing an agitation, in order to secure the appropriation of the Tithe-rent Charges to their original purpose on the incidental demise of the present holders."

The italics art the Atlas's own. When it is known that Rome

Archbishop Usher.

HISTORICAL SKETCH OF PROTESTANT ASSOCIATIONS.

41

has acquired a complete command over the London Newspapers, especially the Sunday portion of the press, warnings of this kind coming from such a source are not to be disregarded. We leave it to our readers to judge whether the above intelligence does not furnish a corroboration of the treasonable Conspiracies of Rome.

HISTORICAL SKETCH OF PROTESTANT
ASSOCIATIONS.

(Continued from page 11.)

In consequence of the passing of the statute, 18 Geo. 3, c. 60, a Protestant Association was formed; and it published "An Appeal to the People of Great Britain, concerning the probable tendency of the late Act of Parliament in favour of the Papists,' dated 5th November, 1779, with the following introduction :—

"Alarmed at the indulgence granted to Papists by an Act lately passed in their favour, and well persuaded that the principles of Popery deserve no such encouragement from any Protestant State, we feel for ourselves, we tremble for posterity; and having maturely deliberated on the consequences that most probably will result from this indulgence, we think it a duty we owe to religion and our country, to associate; and, by every lawful method, to procure a remedy for the evils apprehended from its operation, and to preserve the inestimable privileges, which, as christians and as members of society, we enjoy.

"This Association is not formed to promote the views of party, or to embarras the measures of government at this important crisis:* it consists of Protestants, who will yield to none of their fellow subjects in loyalty to his Majesty's person, or in zealous attachment to our happy constitution. "If the doctrines held by Papists were confined to matters of opinion in religion, and did not include political tenets of the most dangerous tendency, they might expect the same connivance which has generally been extended to other erroneous sects; they might bow down to their images, swallow the absurd doctrine of transubstantiation, and amuse themselves with dreams of purgatory, without interruption; their ignorance and superstition would rather excite compassion than expose them to the consequences of any penal statutes.

"But when Papists thunder excommunication against all who differ from them in opinion, and their religious profession itself breathes the very spirit of persecution and cruelty against those whom they anathematize as heretics,†-who, if princes, are to be deposed and murdered; if subjects, to

* Great Britain was then engaged in the American War, and France and Spain were supporting the Americans.

"That this is incontestably true, is evident from the Roman Clergy," viz.-the bishops and abbots, "obliging themselves by oath, on their admission to their sacred functions," (their consecration)" to persecute and impugn to the utmost of their power, all heretics, schismatics, and rebels to the Pope. Hæreticos, schismaticos, et rebelles eidem Domino nostro vel successoribus prædictis pro posse persequar et impugnabo."-Pontificale Romanum, pp. 77, 125, Antwerp, 1626; pp. 59, 86, Brux. 1735. Dr. Hales, in his Survey of the Modern State of the Church of Rome, proved that the clause is an obligation to persecute heretics, and oppose them with temporal weapons; and that this appeared to be the sense of the Church of Rome, both from her decrees and practice.

It is true that in 1778, the Roman Catholic peers and commoners of Great Britain