different nature, and made no change in the law, as it stood between the parties. It would be making no alliance with these states, it would be giving no guarantees, no aid or assistance, no approbation of the means by which they obtained their independence. He thought we ought not to scruple to deal with the government of South America, as with a government possessing power over a considerable portion of the waters of the globe, and no small extent of the land. The recognition of the United States of North America was wholly an advantage to the party recognized. In the present case he called for the recognition of the South American States, not for the benefit of those states, but for that of British subjects, that they might be enabled to proceed with their commercial pursuits in an easy, orderly, regular way, and that differences which should at any time occur might be more readily adjusted, and thus prevent the breaking out of a new war. Sir James observed how very slow Spain had always been in recognizing the independence of the states which threw off her yoke; but the rest of Europe had never thought it necessary to wait for her. It was in 1581 that the States of Holland declared themselves independent, but it was not till 1648 that the pride and obstinacy of the Spanish government were so far relaxed as to lead to their formal recognition by the treaty of Westphalia. Did the House believe that all this time the rest of Europe looked quietly on, and formed no relations of commerce with the states of Holland, and made no provision for the speedy adjustment of differences which might arise, because Spain refused to recognize the independence of such States? Such was not the case. All Europe received ambassadors from them, and all Europe sent ambassadors to the Hague. The Prince of Braganza was

placed on the throne of Portugal in 1604, and in thirteen months he was acknowledged by England, though it was twenty years before he could obtain the recognition of Spain. In this country, when Cromwell was created Protector, all the powers of Europe sent ambassadors to England. For this no complaints were made when Charles the Second was restored to the throne of his ancestors. Why? Because the necessity of doing as they had done was admitted. They sent ministers to watch over their own interests, and by this had expressed no opinion against the rights of Charles II.; they had offered no insult to the claims, and committed no outrages against the authority, of the heir to the crown. France, in regard to the North American States, had offended England, not by entering into a treaty of peace and amity, but into an alliance offensive and defensive with them. Upon the whole, the honourable speaker declared his high satisfaction with the declarations put forth, both by this government and that of the United States. There was one point on which they both agreed, that while the war continued between Spain and her colonies, neither had a right to interfere; but if Spain should be put forth as one of the fangs of the Holy Alliance, if that beast of prey (the Holy Alliance) should attempt to use Spain as one of its fangs, to extend the arbitrary authority, baneful influence, and detestable principles, over America, which they had unfortunately but too well succeeded in spreading over Europe, that they would be resisted in both countries. Liberty would resist them in America; liberty would rise up against them in England. He admired the state papers called forth from the present ministers on this occasion, but no government that ever existed could have acted here in opposition to the principles on which they were found

ed. The present petitioners contended, that the recognition of South American independence would be no breach of neutrality, and he concurred with them, and was confident that no power in Europe could be so impudently unjust as to complain of it, much less to venture on any attack on the policy of England, formidable as she would be in such a cause. He threw out of his consideration with disdain all that the Holy, or Unholy Alliance, might presume to urge in such a cause. Having said so much in favour of the recognition of South American independence now, he thought it right to say, that he did not use that word in a metaphysical sense. Some pretended that there was no present tense. He, when he said now, meant, in a very short time. He thought countries extending from California nearly to Cape Horn might be considered to embrace a moderate and respectable territory. In this vast extent what stand did Old Spain make? She had a castle in Mexico, a little half-desert island in Chili, and a small army in Guatimala. Now, such being the state of things, considering them as separate states, what objection could there be to recognize Colombia, where there was once a great Spanish army which had completely failed, and been wholly annihilated or driven away? Three republican assemblies had held their sittings since the Spaniards were repelled. In Buenos Ayres, not a single Spanish soldier had been seen for ten years, and Mrs Graham's description of Chili pointed it out as a state, the independence of which must soon be recognized. In saying that we would not recognize a country till it had attained a stable government, we should proclaim, that we had two weights and measures for America and Europe. While we declined recognizing as independent the South Ame'rican States, we recognized Spain as such, though she was not tranquil;

and when she was overrun by a foreign army, which it had been stated in that House it was humanity not to withdraw. He believed there were from sixty to one hundred houses of trade established in South America. Our commerce there had rapidly increased. From the petition received from Liverpool, it appeared that its amount, which was in 1822 L.3,800,000, rose in 1823 to L,5,600,000, being an increase of L.1,800,000 in value, and that, too, in the course of a single year. The exports of cotton to North America had largely increased, but the increase in the exports to South America was still greater. The increase of the former in one year had been L.1,000,000. This increase in the latter case amounted to L.1,000,000. He referred to Captain Hall's book in terms of warm praise. This, he thought, completely proved the importance of extending our commerce in that quarter, and of doing all in our power to civilize South America. Sir James concluded with pointing out the important extension which British commerce might receive from those vast regions continuing open to it.

Mr Canning rose, as expected, to give that exposition of the sentiments and views of ministry which it was the object of Sir James Mackintosh's speech to elicit. With the general tenor of that speech he had reason to be satisfied, but was unwilling at present to enter in detail upon the subject. He took a view of the successive steps adopted by the British government, the result of which was the being at perfect liberty to make the recognition, whenever they should find it advisable, without asking any consent on the part of Spain. Still he thought it a point of courtesy, and in various respects desirable, to take that country along with us. It was only the recog nition of the mother country which could confirm the independence of the

governments would be bound to discharge the debts so incurred.

Sir Francis Burdett did not allow the debate to drop without a sally against ministry. He could not understand the refinements and shades of recognition which had been dwelt on with so much labour; to him recognition was a very simple word, bearing a very simple and obvious meaning. He therefore thought there must be some further motives for the delay than were brought forward. All that the right honourable gentleman said amounted to this, that ministers had not made up their minds as to what

measures they intended to take. Bu he had heard that the Lord Chance lor had declared that he would not r cognise the independence of Sout America. This let in some light up the delay. The animosities and hea which suspended the measure were n raging in Mexico-they existed near home. It was in the cabinet the were formed as must always be t case in a cabinet so formed, divided it was upon every great question, wh ther of foreign or domestic policy.

The debate hereupon closed, a no farther proceedings on the subje took place during the session.

MINISTERS had this year every prospect that their financial career would be smooth and favourable. This branch of public economy was in that prospe rous state, which, requiring no demand on the public purse, but somewhat the contrary, left little opening for discontent. Mr Hume's research into the details of public expenditure having now been extended, over and over, through all its branches, there remained little which had not been met in some shape or other. His strictures, therefore, were likely now to be both fewer in number, and more easily answered. All this, however, did not secure ministers from some difficulties, and having some combats to wage. From the experience of several successive years, the nation had acquired the habit of looking for a successive, and even augmenting reduction, of the public burdens. Its expectations had now risen so high, as to embrace the entire remission of the assessed taxes, which, though not, perhaps, the most really burdensome, have always been the most heavily felt, in consequence of being directly paid out of the pockets of the consumer. The plain truth,

however, is, that if we except the income tax, against which the claim was certainly fair, the public had no right to look to the remission of any other tax, as the result of peace. With that exception, the war had been carried on by loans, not by taxes; and the provision for the interest of these loans, and for their gradual extinction, stood quite as much in need of being continued after peace as before. If taxes had been taken off, it had been by temporary and casual operations, not admitting of repetition. The only farther source which could now be looked to, was the increased revenue arising out of the newly begun and slowly advancing public prosperity; but which could not amount to much in any one year. The boon which ministers had to give was thus limited, and the mode in which they distributed it afforded ground for controversy. A considerable portion of it was destined, less to act upon the accommodations and enjoyments of the bulk of the people, than to liberate some particular branches of industry from the restraints under which they had laboured, and to smooth down the withdrawing from others