From the Examiner, 24 Sept. COERCION OF THE TURKS. honor to signify your agreements with me in those ALL influences are now at work to induce the Porte to yield to the terms of the Vienna Conference, and the Sultan is told not to care, or trouble himself about the feelings of his subjects, as the four powers are prepared to support him resolutely and vigorously against any internal discontent or disturbance. The Independence Belge (a paper the information of which is better than its spirit and principles) a few days ago declared that the four powers have now to bring their weight to bear, not on Russia but on Turkey, and that if the obstacle to the Sultan's compliance with the proposed terms be the fear of his subjects' resentment, and an outbreak, the forces of the allies will be promptly applied to the coercion of the malcontents. The Journal des Debats, about the same time, to the same effect, stated: This is language worthy of the occasion, and fit to be used by a statesman to whom a great country entrusts her interests and her duties, the maintenance of her influence in the future, and of her glory in the past. It was during Lord John Russell's short administration of the Foreign Office that the decisive rebuke was given to Count Leiningen's mission to Constantinople, and Europe was reminded that at least one government in the West was has been instructed by his government to demand The English ambassador at Constantinople not disposed to view with indifference a repeti- from the Turkish government the withdrawal of tion of the crimes which accompanied the the modification proposed on the 19th ult., and partition of Poland. It is never too late to its adhesion, pure and simple, to the draught take the path of right and honor. We put note which the Emperor of Russia has already no faith whatever in what is said of the re-accepted; that he is to explain that the point solve of France to refuse further coöperation against Russian violence. If she now withdraw from resistance to an act, which, unresisted, would transfer to Russia the practical Sovereignty of three-fourths of the civilized population of Turkey, it will be at her own peril. which the question has reached is one of peace or war; that he is to dwell on the dangers of war, and to declare that if Turkey, in contempt of the advice of its allies, chooses war, it will be at its own risk and peril, since it must not count upon the support of Europe; and he is to insist on those arguments which, no doubt, will prevail with the Turkish government, and make it yield, which it can now do honorably and without loss. "it continues "If," nople would be easily repressed, as also any coupsde-tête on the part of Omer Pasha. The French and English fleets would soon put down the emeute, for in such case they would instantly pass the straits to defend against the insurgents of all nations, Mussulmans, Christians, or renegades, the life, the crown, and the authority of the Sultan. The last Nesselrode despatch reiterates without disguise the arrogant claim of its predecessor to an absoluto protectorate over all men professing the Greek faith in the Ottoman empire. What is meant by such dominion over the races which occupy the soil, but lieved in London, to the counsel of its allies, any The government of the Sultan listen, as is bea sovereignty far more efficient than if ex-insurrection that would break out at Constanti tended over the soil itself, because ensuring the latter at any time, and all the easier with a little lapse of time? Who requires to be reminded that such a system of creating a party in a foreign state by assuming to control its religious disabilities is a system peculiarly Russian? It was on behalf of religious dissidents alleged to be persecuted in Poland that the iron heel of the Muscovite was first planted in that unhappy country. It was after Cracow and Lithuania had on such pretences been wrested from Poland, that without a word uplifted in remonstrance throughout Europe (if we except a somewhat feeble one from Burke) the greatest public iniquity of modern times Was found easy to perpetrate. That guilt has had its sure and not slow retribution, and what is now contemplated would not escape the same inevitable law. And is this indeed possible? And after the combined fleets of the greatest powers in Europe have been timidly kept in Besika Bay to avoid coming to extremities with Russia, would their anchors be lifted cheerily to drum and fife to go on the gallant mission of playing the part of a Turkish police to put down those subjects of the Porte who revolt against its dishonor? Well may a foreign journal ask, "Is there to another be Navarino?" But how much worse than Navarino, if the Eng lish arms be turned against men infamed by It surely cannot be necessary to expose the selfthe spirit which the English counsels have contradictions of such an assertion as this, which inspired and encouraged. If any such vile literally assumes that the interference of the work is to be done, on other not unpractised four powers has been carefully directed to the hands it should devolve. Russia would be at consummation of the end which they interfered home in the part she has played before in to prevent. It is perfectly clear that England, Hungary, and there would be a consistency mands of Russia upon Turkey unlawful and France, Austria, and Prussia considered the deof a sort in giving her the office of reducing dangerous, for otherwise there need have been to obedience those subjects of the Sultan who no intervention at all. It must also be clear revolt against the vassalage to the Czar. For that they believe themselves to have obviated Russian ends, Russian means might appro- these objections by the terms of their note, for priately be employed. France, too, who put otherwise the note and the conference would down the Republic at Rome which her exam- have both been nugatory together. If the four ple had set up, would with no violent incon- powers had intended, as this argument assumes, sistency turn her arms against the national to permit the exactions of Russia, for what spirit in Turkey, and strengthen the Sultan's possible reason should Russia have been interIs it credible authority against his people to the end that it fered with in making them? be identical? may be bowed to the Muscovite. But England for a moment that they should have charged has no antecedents preparing her for the part themselves with the responsibility of substituting assigned her. Even the Tagus has not been terms of their own for the terms of the Emperor, the school to prepare her navy for the infamy if the substance of the two propositions was to now in contemplation, so exactly reversing the often mouthed vaunt, and rendering it prac- This reasoning proceeds on the assumption tically, Parcere superbis, et debellare subjectos. that the intention and the effect of the counAnd observe in the event contemplated how sels of the powers must be identical, and that all the aggressions, and all the nefarious a miscarriage of purpose, or failure of resolumachinations of Russia, would be turned to tion, are to be considered inconceivable. We Russian account and advantage. The emis- often, however, see men go into a quarrel saries of the Czar have been notoriously for which their spirit will not carry them through. some time past sapping the Sultan's authority They begin with one object, and end with in various parts of his dominions, and pre- another, to have done with the affair which paring materials for insurrection; and how overtaxes their constancy or their courage. the court of St. Petersburg would chuckle And so it may be with the representatives of and exult upon seeing England and France nations. No doubt the powers, or three of serving as the cat's paws in the fire it had helped to kindle, and snatching from the flames the Sultan's half-destroyed authority only to lay it at the Czar's feet! For what our fleet has been stationed in Besika Bay it has hitherto been hard to say, but it is to be hoped the issue will not prove that it was to play the game of Russia, and bend to submission that part of the Sultan's subjects who have the national honor and independence most at heart, fanatically it may be, but in a just cause. But it may be said that we misrepresent the terms to accede to which the Sultan is to be guaranteed against his people, and made, for the nonce, all despotic at home, that he may be rendered dependent abroad; and the Times, in an article as justly as ably reviewing the merits of the question between Russia and Turkey, reasons as follows upon the character and effect of the Vienna note: — the four, intended and hoped at the outset to baffle the Czar; but his will, backed with bayonets, has proved stronger than their will backed by pen and paper, and precisely in proportion to his urgency and forwardness has been their flagging and faltering. The relations of the case may be mathematically taken and measured as Besika Bay and the Danube are respectively to Constantinople, or, in plain words, as a position of war is to one of peace. The naval station is indeed to the Occupation of the Principalities what a Quakers' meeting is to a camp of invasion. We admit, however, that there is a logic on the side of the conduct of the powers. The independence of the Porte is only an object proposed to avert occasions of war, and why anticipate the worst evil in the first instance? why go to war to avert occasions of war? But if this reasoning be good, it is good for giving up Turkey at once and forever, to shift for herself, instead of doling out her disElaborate arguments, we observe, have been honor and ruin by instalments. Russia has devised to prove that the conference rendered tried of what stuff is made the diplomatic reitself simply an instrument for accomplishing, sistance she has to encounter, and finds it by method of diplomacy, the identical objects at which the Czar was aiming by force of arms, and nothing but paper; notes, and counter-notes, that the first Vienna note comprised nothing of much sound signifying nothing; and so more nor less than the propositions of Nicholas encouraged she will persevere at her own himself, returned to him for his own proper time and seasons. Having neglected the acceptance through the hands of a third party. rule obsta principiis on the right opportunity, our fleet will not be always in Besika Bay, rope. The government of England had nothnor always side to side in coöperation with ing to object to it. the French; but it may hereafter not be more serviceably, though less safely stationed. It has lost its tide for the fortunes of Turkey. From the Spectator. KOSSUTH'S OPINION. This Russian intervention being carried on from Turkish territory, was in itself the grossest violation of its independence. Turkey was made an instrument for Russian ambition and for Austrian oppression. It was permitted that the resources of Turkish provinces, provisions, money, means of transport, should be made use of by Russia in her THERE was a meeting at Stafford on 26 attack on Hungary. The Austrians, beaten, Sept., convened by the mayor, to pass resolu- twice found refuge and means of attack in the tions on the Eastern question. The gist same Turkish provinces; which was neither of the resolves was a strong condemnation more nor less than a virtual resignation of the of the present process for managing the inter- independence of Turkey. And the government course of nations, especially by means of per- of England allowed all this to be done manent embassies and secret diplomacy; and checked Turkey in opposing it by advising her the suggestion of a return to the legal practice "not to come into hostile collision with her of the constitution, so as to prevent intercourse stronger neighbors". -as the Foreign Secrebetween the servant of the crown and the tary of England had the ridiculous politeness representative of a foreign state save under to style that Austria, which we had defeated special warrant of the Great Seal. Mr. David Urquhart was the principal orator; and his theme was the designs of Russia, as aided by secret and tortuous diplomacy. The meeting was a very full one, and its tone spirited. It appears that M. Kossuth was invited to take a part in this meeting, but that he declined; for the reasons, explained in a long letter, that he should have been compelled to show the intimate connection between the Turkish question and the cause of Hungary; and that his speech would have stimulated the English government to press "affairs to issue such as the friends of justice, freedom and humanity, must deplore." nay so often that she was no longer able to resist us without the aid of Russia, who, in her turn, had to strain every nerve to effect it. "Now, sir, has the English government done all this, because it liked Russia's striding preponderance? No; it did it because it hated the popular triumph of what they call the revolutionary principle.' "And now, once more, the Danubian Principalities are occupied, and their resources made subservient to Russia in her hostility against the legitimate suzerain of those provinces; and again the English government is guilty, before God and the world, of having permitted such piracy to be perpetrated without resistance. Was this done because England approved the seizure of Moldo-Wallachia by the Czar? No; but it was not opposed, because the English government feared lest any resistance to Russian aggression might lead some of the oppressed nations to renew their efforts for freedom. "By analyzing the conduct of the English government," he says, "during the present crisis, it is impossible not to come to the conclusion that it is not so much either by fear from or by a particular predilection for Russia, that the English government has until now rather served than checked Russia's ambitious designs; but that it is rather for fear "That is the real clue to that policy, lest, by encouraging Turkey to legitimate against which the citizens of Stafford are resistance, an opportunity might be offered to about to record their protest. The fatal insome successful popular rising in other quar-cubus which weighs heavily on the foreign ters. policy of your government, is not so much love for the Czar as fear and hatred of Democracy. It would be vain to dissimulate, sir, that Aristocracy and Plutocracy, as leading elements, will always less fear the despot than popular liberty." "I have, indeed, no hesitation to say, that the policy of England has long since been Russian in its results, though not Russian in its motives; it has been worse it has been Anti-Liberal in principle. "In 1848, Russia interfered against the The rest of the letter is devoted to showing popular movement in Moldo-Wallachia by that Austria never was a barrier which kept armed invasion, and thus prepared the way Russia from Turkey; that the policy of the for the subsequent intervention in Hungary, English government is therefore wrong in the as well as for the present occupation of the endeavor to save Austria from her wellPrincipalities. England did not oppose it. merited fate ;" and that the abstinence of the "Soon after, Russia interfered by arms in people of England from almost all share in the Hungary, and gained by it an awful pre-direction of foreign policy is a matter of surponderance throughout the Continent of Eu-prise to M. Kossuth. From the Spectator, 1st Oct. FUTURE COURSE OF ENGLAND IN THE EAST. HAVING ascertained the truth without further disguise to ourselves, that Europe is no longer at peace, but at war, the immediate practical question is, what is England going to do? which its society is regulated; reducing the law of its daily life to a baser level, and entailing upon itself, if not the open lawlessness of barbarous states, the fraudulent vice of civilized decay. But let us for the moment, although deeply impressed with the para mount importance of sustaining national honor and a generous morality, regard the present question as one entirely of English interests, without discussing our responsibility to other states or our duty to a higher dignity. There are not wanting those who, on specious grounds, would regard this second stage of the Eastern question as an opportunity for England to revise her position; who would say, that having now seriously confronted the neces- If it were possible to let matters take their sity of taking a decided course or drawing back, course to stand apart altogether, and medwe have the choice still remaining, to draw dle neither with the Russian nor the Turk back. It is not too late, they would say, there is one reason that would be sufficient although we have incited the Turk to hostili- against such a position, on grounds lower than ties, and have made so great a show of aiding those of duty and public morality; we should him that we have actually sent our war-ships even lose by it. Even on this ground, we recog to his support. Notwithstanding we are thus nize the necessity of standing up for minor far committed-notwithstanding that re-states, and preserving their identity in the comtractation would now be infamous according ity of nations, rather than suffering them to to all known standards it is never too late, be merged by overruling powers. In the first such advisers would suggest, to draw back place, friendly intercourse promotes comfrom a wrong course; and the best thing that we can do now is, to leave those two barbarian states to fight it out between themselves. Theoretically extravagant as this line of argument appears, it has perhaps been not altogether without its influence in high quarters; influence at least sufficient to give pause, and to delay the decision which is now peremptorily necessary. And it is sustained with some show of argument, in the representation that the six months have sufficed so far for the collection of Turkish strength, that the forces of the Sultan could now maintain the boundary of the Danube, without foreign aid, at least for one campaign. merce, dear to this trading country; and we may point to Belgium, Turkey, and Sardinia, as being more profitable neighbors, on nocount of the friendly intercourse which promotes commerce, than those great allies who are at the present moment occasioning to us so much trouble and uneasiness. Secondly, the absorption of those smaller states would totally upset the balance of power. Leave Russia alone in her course of grasping aggression, and you would remove the barrier from that course which would not terminate until "Russia" and " Europe" should be two expressions for the same thing. Still to adhere to the lowest test of morality But it is not a question of one campaign. for the wisdom of such a course on our part, The termination of forty years' peace, involv-let us note that English intercourse and coming the deposition of that authority which last arranged the peace and settled the nations upon their present tenure, is not to be dismissed as the affair of a season. Questions of much longer periods and broader interests are now at stake; and it is time that those statesmen who will, by their office, be recorded in history as responsible before posterity for sustaining or betraying the dignity of their country, should review the considerations upon which their course must be determined. Their incontestable and primary objects must be, to defend English interests, to sustain justice, and to restore, as they have so long succeeded in preserving, peace, but to restore it on a stronger basis. In speaking of English interests, we do not of course mean merely money interests; there are other interests besides those of trade, not less real or material. If an upright life is better than a money. if honor is more precious than even peace then a state cunnot be dishonored without lowering the standard of morality by success merce would then be regulated by that power which has peculiarly distinguished its sway by arbitrary exclusions and prohibitory tariffs. This is not a matter of speculation, it is strictly a matter of knowledge. Russia has exemplified her spirit in action; and, lest we might mistake either spirit or action, has formally declared both the principles and the purpose of her course. She has declared that she recognizes no law but her own. She claims to define the boundaries of states, to determine their sovereign rights, and to settle their political and commercial relations. Supposing we abandoned all the old ideas about the balance of power-that we should abandon the idea of any intervention in the affairs of Europe, disclaim our place at the council, and make up our minds henceforward to spin cotton and placidly await our destiny we should still ultimately realize the folly of that course in an immense amount of commercial loss. This inevitable result is but too tangible. Russia has by her acts and her declaration proclaimed that there is one thing of one lawless power. A juncture has arrived superior to the public law of Europe, and that at which it belongs to the statesmen responis Russian law. We should negatively admit sible for the conduct of English affairs to utter that assertion; we should abandon justice; before the world a manifesto, declaring that we should give up the comity of nations. England, strong in her own strength, disclaims Henceforward there would be in Europe and resists the Russian infraction of the nothing sovereign but Will and Power. Un-public law of Europe will not make or der such a rule for the civilized world, there meddle with it save to resist. It would not would be, for a state so rich as England, but be necessary for any English statesman, contwo alternative courses-placid annexation scious of his real power, to ask any king, or to Russia, or such measures as would make emperor, or grand duke, whether the form the power of England alone equal to counter- of this manifesto was such as pleased him. balance the power of Russia. England would It is time to break away from these entanhave to make herself as powerful in all avail- gling alliances, and to separate England forever able means and machinery as Russian Europe, from these new and base ideas- these lawless with all the sacrifice of time, of money, and laws these sophistries, by which emperors of political freedom, for such an immense and chancellors can induce their accomplices military organization. Will this stand the on thrones or in cabinets to aid them in detest of commercial policy? frauding Europe of its great statutes. If the faith in those statutes be destroyed, no new treaties can ever restore a public law abandoned by every power. It is the mission of England to make the last stand for that public law, and to prevent its being recorded in history that these subversive principles, these lawless acts, have been adopted by the acclamation of potentates without solemn protest. But in such a state of the world, we should indeed have connived at the establishment of a rule incompatible with commerce, as we understand it now. In the present state of the world, to bring about which England has made so great sacrifices, we have learned to send forth commerce on its countless paths by sea and land, without guard or convoy. Suffer Russia to be the lord paramount of Europe, Will and Power the only sovereign on the Continent, and that state of things would be reversed. We could sustain our commerce, as well as our independence or our liberty, only by the direct exhibition of main force; and then not a vessel could leave our shores for the innumerable markets of the world without its convoy. Thus our ships would have to be collected in fleets; our commerce would have to be hampered by military organizations, in order that it might safely be carried from shore to shore. We are not here indulging in any vain imagining; it is but carrying out to the inevitable conclusion the process by which Russia has already been suffered to advance too far. Resistance, therefore, is only a question of time; and procrastination, as usual, only brings loss to that side which has the larger share of power and justice to itself. It implies a constant and an increasing accumulation of the wrongs to be resisted; an accumulation, therefore, of resisting power, and an accumulation of expenditure for the purpose. Every month lost in bringing this matter to a decisive test is an increase to the future national debt of England — a national debt incurred with tarnished credit. Russia has forced England to this contest; and, as we have already said, the consequences will not be upon England, either materially or morally. If England utter this protest against the new political Pope, the consequences will be upon him. England can support her protest by active and decisive, measures, still on her own ground. England is still without a rival in Europe at sea. When it comes to a question of will, it lies with her will to sweep the Russian navy from the surface of the seas, brushing away every stick or board before the storm of her indignation, or shutting the shipping up in Russian ports, useless because closed. Standing alone, meddling not with Russia by land, keeping to her own element, England could strike so fatal a blow upon the imperial pretender as would shake his power to the very heart of his own dominions. It is needless to follow out the consequences of such a course, if England rouse her spirit and choose to declare that decisive action should no longer be solely on the side of lawlessness and oppression. From the Examiner, 1st Oct. SHIPS OF WAR IN THE DARDANELLES. BRITISH and French vessels of war have at length left the insecure anchorage of Besika to take their station under the walls and before the port of Constantinople, and the measure of security and reprisal is accomplished which ought to have been taken long go. The delay has perhaps had one advantage, to set off against its many evil effects. |