Miriam, fatigued with her exertion, sank | death, subject, however, to the will of the into a placid slumber. Fabiola sat by her side, filled to her heart's brim with this tale of love. She pondered over it again and again, and she still saw more and more how every part of this wonderful system was consistent. For if Miriam had been ready to die for her, in imitation of her Saviour's love, so had she been as ready to forgive her when she had thoughtlessly injured her. Every Christian, she now felt, ought to be a copy, a representative, of his Master; but the one that slumbered so tranquilly beside her was surely true to her model, and might well represent him to her. When, after some time, Miriam awoke, she found her mistress-for her patent of freedom was not yet completed-lying at her feet, over which she had sobbed herself to sleep. She understood at once the full meaning and merit of this self-humiliation; she did not stir, but thanked God with a full heart that her sacrifice had been accepted. Fabiola, on awaking, crept back to her own couch-as she thought, unobserved. A secret, sharp pang it had cost her to perform this act of self-abasement, but she had thoroughly humbled the pride of her heart. She felt for the first time that her heart was Christian. judge of the field. The companions of the seneschal were Sir James de Montenay, a knight of Normandy; Sir Tanneguy du Chastel, from the duchy of Brittany; and a notable esquire, called Jean Carmen. Their adversaries were from the kingdom of Arragon, and their chief was named Tollemache de Sainte Coulonne, of the king of Arragon's household, and much beloved by him; the second, Sir Pierre de Monstarde; the third, Proton de Sainte Coulonne; and the fourth, Bernard de Buef. When the appointed day approached, the king had the lists magnificently prepared near to his palace in the town of Valencia. The king came to the seat allotted for him, attended by the duke de Caudie and the counts de Sardonne and d'Aviemie and a numerous train of his nobility. All round the lists scaffolds were erected, on which were seated the nobles of the country, the ladies and damsels, as well as the principal citizens of both sexes. Forty men-at-arms richly dressed were ordered by the king to keep the lists clear, and between their barriers was the constable of Arragon with a large company of men-at-arms brilliantly equipped, according to the custom of the country. Within the field of combat were two small pavilions for the champions-who were much adorned with the emblazonry of their arms to repose in and shelter themselves from the heat of the sun. On the arrival of the king he made known to the seneschal, by one of his knights, that he and his companions should advance first into the field, since it had been so ordered, as the Arragonians were the appellants. The seneschal and his companions, on receiving this summons, instantly armed themselves and mounted their coursers, which were all alike ornamented with crimson silk trappings that swept the ground, over which were besprinkled many escutcheons of their arms. Thus nobly equipped, they left their lodgings and advanced toward the barriers of the lists. The before-named esquire marched first, followed by Sir Tanneguy and Sir James de Montenay, and last of all the seneschal, conducted by the seneschal du Chut, when, having entered the lists, they made their reverences on horseback to King Martin of Arragon, who paid them great honor. They then retired to their tents and waited an hour and a half for their opponents, who arrived, like the others, in a body, on horseback. Their horses' trappings were of white silk ornamented with escutcheons of their When they had made their rever-ponents, but Sir James de Montenay, throwences to the king, they retired also to their tents, which were pitched on the right, where they all remained for full five hours thus armed. made in the king's name, and the king-atarms of Arragon cried out loudly and clearly that the champions must do their duty. Both parties instantly issued forth of their tents, holding their battle-axes in their hands, and marched proudly toward each other. arms. The cause of this delay was owing to the king and his council wishing to accommodate the matter and prevent the combat. To effectuate this, many messages were sent from the king to the seneschal, proposing that he should not proceed farther, but he prudently made answer that this enterprise had been undertaken at the request of Tollemache, and that he and his companions had come from a far country, and at great trouble and expense, to gratify his wish, which he and his companions were determined upon doing. At length, after much discussion on each side, it was concluded that the combat should take place. The usual proclamations were then The Arragonians had settled among themselves that two of them should fall on the seneschal in the hope of striking him down ; both parties were on foot, and they expected he would be at one of the ends of the lists above the others, but he was in the middle part. When they approached, the seneschal stepped forward three or four paces before his companions and attacked Tollemache, who had that day been made a knight by the king's hand, and gave him so severe a blow with his battle-axe on the side of his helmet as made him reel and turn half round. The others made a gallant fight with their op ing down his battle-axe, seized Sir James de Monstarde with one of his hands under his legs, and, raising him up with his dagger in the other, was prepared to stab him; but, as the affair on all sides seemed to be carried on in earnest, the king put an end to the combat. According to appearances, the Arragonians would have had the worst of it had the combat been carried to extremities, for the seneschal and those with him were all four very powerful in bodily strength, well experienced in all warlike exercises and equal to the accomplishment of any enterprise in arms that might be demanded from them. When the champions were retired to their tents, the king descended from his seat into the lists and requested of the seneschal and Tollemache in a kind manner that the remaining deeds of arms might be referred to him and his council, and he would so act that they should all be satisfied. The seneschal, then falling on one knee, humbly entreated the king that he would consent that the challenge should be completed according to the request of Tollemache. The king replied by again requiring that the completion of the combat should be referred to his judgment; which being granted, he took the seneschal by the hand and placed him above himself, and Tollemache on the other side. He thus led them out of the lists, when each returned to his hotel and disarmed. The king sent his principal knights to seek the seneschal and his companions, whom for three days he entertained at his palace, and paid them as much honor as if they had been his own brothers. When he had reconciled them with their opponents, he made them fresh presents; and they departed thence on their return to France, and the seneschal to Hainault. Translation of THOMAS JOHNES. and Samnite races known to the Greeks in ancient times. All that may be called the patriarchal element in the state rests in Greece as in Italy on the same foundations. To this element we must especially refer the moral and honorable relation of the sexes to each other. The man was to be the husband of one wife, and infidelity on her part was severely punished. The high position assigned to the mother within the family circle was a recognition of the equality of the sexes and of the sanctity of marriage, but, on the other hand, the extent to which the Romans carried the power of the husband over the wife, and that of the father over the son, was unknown among the Greeks. What ought to have been a moral subjection was in Italy transformed into a legalized slavery. In the same way the completely outlawed condition of the slave-a condition which the idea of slavery presupposes-was maintained by the Romans with merciless rigor and carried out to all its consequences, while among the Greeks the intercourse between the dominant and servile classes was of a more humane description, and at an early period the law interposed with an alleviating hand. We need only mention the fact that in Greece marriage between slaves was a legally-recognized connection. Round the original household gathers the family or clan, understanding thereby the common descendants of the same progenitor, and out of the family arose the state. In Greece, where the political element was weaker, the family-bond maintained its influence as a corporate power in opposition to that of the state far into historical times, while in Italy the state immediately assumed the supremacy and completely neutralized the influence of the family, presenting to our view, not a community of families, but a community of citizens. On the other hand, in Greece the individual sooner becomes so far independent of the family as to acquire complete freedom of personal development—a fact which we find clearly reflected in the Greek and Roman proper names, which, though originally sprung from the same element, afterward assumed characters widely different. In the ancient times of Greece we find the family-name, in the form of an adjective, frequently added to that of the individual, while, reversing the case, the Roman antiquarians tell us that their ancestors had only one name, the later prænomen. But, while in Greece the family-name disappears at an early period, it becomes, not among the Romans merely, but among the Italians generally, the chief designation, and the distinctive individual name, the prænomen, assumes a subordinate place. In the small and ever-diminishing number of Italian prænomina, and in the meaningless character especially of those in use among the Romans, as contrasted with the poetic richness and significance of the Greek names, we have a reflection of the fact that in the one case free scope was given to the development of distinctive personal character, while in the other it was systematically repressed. origin was he that there was no record kept of the day of his birth; by the parish register it appears that he was baptized on the 14th of May in that year. The son of a barber, he received a very limited education, but from his childhood he was enthusiastic about art. After some unaided attempts at landscape he was entered as a student at the Royal Academy, and made such rapid progress that he exhibited his first painting in 1790. This was followed by yearly exhibitions, which gave him such a reputation that in 1799 he was elected an associate, and in 1803 a full Royal Academician. On account of the excellence of his paintings, the mistake was then made of appointing him in 1807 professor of perspective in the Royal Academy. Here his want of education became manifest; he was lacking in the technique of his art, and in good grammatical language in which to present it. His lectures were a failure. He gave up this duty, and travelled extensively-in Scotland, France, Germany, Switzerland and Italy-everywhere displaying a marvellous industry and devotion to his art, sketching and finishing with great rapidity; so that he has been said to have exhibited at the Academy two hundred and fifty-nine pictures. In 1808 he began a serial collection called Liber Studiorum, containing engravings from original designs. Later he published Scenery of the Southern Coast, and other similar works. One of his best displays of power and taste is found in the superb illustrations to Rogers's poems, some of which appear in this collection. One of the greatest claims of Turner to public favor is found in his unusual and brilliant coloring and bizarre contrasts of color, as illustrated in the "The Slave-Ship and "The Old Temeraire" and many other pictures. In his earlier works this was but a pleasing exaggeration of nature, but as he grew older his hand lost its cunning and there was a sad travesty of nature. Ruskin, in his first edition of Modern Painters, was the champion and interpreter of Turner; in later editions and in separate works his enthusiasm was modified. As to his personality, Turner was a most singular character and presented many contrasts and contradictions. In his Life by Walter Thornbury he appears as having so high an estimation of his own works that he kept some which he would not sell at any price, and refused others to persons who were not, in his judgment, able to appreciate them. Yet, on the other hand, he was avaricious and sordid, coarse, vulgar and sensual—at least, to the world at large. He had a few valued friends, to whom he showed himself affectionate and in their clash and their very glitter; mark the horrid murmur of the confused multitude, their threatening eyeballs, the harsh jarring din of drums and clarions, the terrific sound of the trumpet, the thunder of the cannon, a noise not less formidable than the real thunder of heaven and more hurtful, a mad shout like that of shrieks of Bedlamites, a furious onset, a cruel butchering of each other!-See the slaughtered and the slaughtering, heaps of dead bodies, fields flowing with blood, rivers reddened with human gore. It sometimes happens that a brother falls by the hand of a brother, a kinsman upon his nearest kindred, a friend upon his friend, who, while both are actuated by this fit of insanity, plunges the sword into the heart of one by whom he was never offended, not even by a word of his mouth! So deep is the tragedy that the bosom shudders even at the feeble description of it and the hand of humanity drops the pencil while it paints the scene. Translated for the ANTIPOLEMUS, 1794, LONDON. THE MINION WIFE. WHOSO to marry a minion wife Hath had good chance and hap, Must love her and cherish her all his life, And dandle her in his lap. If she will fare well, if she will go gay, About what affairs soever he go, None of his counsel she may be kept fro, He must show her all his mind; Else is he a man unkind. NICHOLAS UDALL |