were the questions that agitated the minds of thoughtful Americans, and for the solution of which, they anxiously waited the developments of time. If the interest which was felt in the events of the "Three Days" at the time, was intense, subsequent events have not tended to diminish that interest. The revolutions in Belgium, Poland, and Great Britain, of which that of the "Three Days" was the proximate cause, followed in rapid succession. "The empire of darkness," in the emphatic language of Robert Hall, "was smitten by a stroke, which sounded through the universe." All Europe was shaken. The whole foundations of society scemed to be volcanic. The groanings and muttering thunders of the compressed and struggling energies within, could be heard in every direction. Political forecast was baffled in the effort to estimate their power, or calculate and limit their eruption. But the time of anxious suspense has passed away. The time has come, philosophically to review the past, and anticipate the future. This Mr. Cushing professes to have done in the volumes, whose title stands at the head of this article. Numerous histories and sketches of these events have been published. But no connected and philosophical view of them, has, so far as we know, been attempted before. The work of Mr. C. is therefore timely and acceptable. One half of the first volume is very properly occupied with a preliminary "Retrospect of European Civilization," and "Idea of the French Revolution of '89." The former, which is "mainly derived from the 'Cours d' Histoire' of M. Guizot," is very interesting and valuable. We take exception to but a single view,--that which represents the reformation "not as a philosophical scheme of moral purity, but as the irresistible impulse of European MIND to think for itself, by its own energies, and upon its own volitions." The reformation was the development of the energies of pure Christianity. The gospel was the pioneer of science and freedom, not a mere follower in their train; the causa causans of the political and intellectual disinthrallment of man, and not a link in the chain moved by the deified spirit of liberty.

The Review of the Revolutions,' in respect to the state of political parties and opinions, diplomatic and military movements, is thorough, lucid, and graphic. Much fuller details, especially of thrilling incident and chivalrous anecdote, adapted to the popular taste, are given in some other works. "Paris and its Historical Scenes," published in the "Library of Entertaining Knowledge," would interest a common mind much more than Mr. Cushing's Review of the Three Days. A thinking man, who deals with principles, rather than insulated facts, would be more interested in the latter. But there is a deficiency in a philosophical point of view even in these volumes; a deficiency which exists in nearly all the histories that have ever been written. In investigating the causes, and estimating the probable

effects of the revolutions, strictly political considerations are alone taken into the account. The state of the public mind, its intelligence and various party tendencies, are ably exhibited; that of the public heart and conscience is scarcely alluded to. It may be doubted whether a "review" which should include these, would beam with such "bright promise for regenerate France," as the one before us. That the cause of human liberty and improvement has gained much by the recent revolutions, we have no doubt. But France must rear again her thrown-down altars, and re-invoke her insulted and rejected God, and re-hallow the profaned Sabbath, and re-acknowledge the despised Bible, and become indeed "regenerate," before she can "march side by side with England, as the advance-guard of the civilization of Europe," or enjoy internal security and happiness.

As to the right of revolution and resistance to government, which is assumed in these volumes to reside in the people, subject only to the limitation of their will, we differ from Mr. C. There are undoubtedly cases, where nothing short of the remedy of violent resistance is sufficient. But in regard to these we adopt the language of Burke. "The speculative line of demarkation, where obedience ought to end, and resistance must begin, is faint, obscure, and not easily definable. It is not a single act, or a single event, which determines it. Governments must be abused and deranged indeed, before it can be thought of; and the prospect of the future must be as bad as the experience of the past. When things are in that lamentable condition, the nature of the disease is to indicate the remedy to those, whom nature has qualified to administer in extremities this critical, ambiguous, bitter potion to a distempered state. Times, and occasions, and provocations, will teach their own lessons. The wise will determine from the gravity of the case; the irritable from sensibility to oppression; the high-minded from disdain and indignation at abusive power in unworthy hands; the brave and bold from the love of honorable danger in a generous cause; but with, or without right, a revolution will be the very last resource of the thinking and the good."

The style of these volumes is vigorous and bold, with occasionally a little too much effort at intensity and point. The very frequent introduction of French words and phrases is objectionable. The mere English reader would need a glossary. Mr. C. may claim some apology from his subject; not sufficient, however, to justify this unnecessary pollution of the "undefiled wells" of our noble English.

A few skeleton maps would have added to the value of the volumes, as much of the details of military operations is utterly unintelligible without them. With the exceptions we have specified, we commend these volumes to our readers, as well worthy a careful perusal.

3.-The Poetical Works of John Milton, a new edition, with Notes, and a Life of the Author, in two volumes. Boston Hilliard, Gray, & Co. 1834. pp. 371, 478.

THE style in which these volumes is brought out is worthy of all commendation. The paper is remarkably clear and firm, the type large and distinct, and the whole execution, as far as we can judge, perfect. We read the Paradise Regained through at one sitting, and we did not detect a single typographical or other error in the compass of the four books. Some of the previous American editions are intolerable, while most of the others are merely respectable. We hope the publishers of this edition will be amply remunerated, for they have certainly done a great service to all who revere the name of the poet. The type is so large as to be adapted to persons advanced in life and of feeble vision, while it will be a relief to those who are compelled to study foreign languages, or intricate documents in their own tongue. This edition contains in the first place a life of Milton, compiled by the Rev. John Mitford, a clergyman of the estab lished church. It is a temperate and judicious selection from the mass of materials furnished by preceding biographers, accompanied with discriminating remarks of his own. Some interesting miscellaneous matters respecting Milton's agreement with his printer, his last will, the robbery of his grave, &c., are then brought forward in an appendix. Then follow the encomiastic poems of Dr. Barrow and Andrew Marvell. These are succeeded by the Paradise Lost, Paradise Regained, Samson Agonistes, Comus, Lycidas, Il Penseroso, L' Allegro, Arcades, twelve miscellaneous poems, twenty-three sonnets, versification of nineteen psalms, and all his Latin poems. These last occupy

about eighty pages.

We do not know that a complete American edition of Milton's prose works is desirable, containing as they do much which every enlightened lover of the poet's memory must condemn. An edition could not probably be sold. Yet we cannot but wish that a wider extension were given to some of his noble treatises, and paragraphs, which for magnificence and music of period, and greatness of thought, are scarcely excelled by his poetry. A complete edition of his prose was published in England by the Rev. Dr. Symons, a few years since. The titles of the principal works are the following: On Prelatical Episcopacy, Reasons of Church Government urged against Prelaty, Animadversions upon a Remonstrant's Defence against Smectymnuus, An Apology for Smectymnuus, On Education, Areopagitica a Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing, Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, Tetrachordon, Colasterion or Reply to an answer on Divorce, Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, Observations on Articles of Peace, Eikonoklastes, Treatise of Civil Power

in Ecclesiastical Causes, History of Britain, History of Muscovy, Second Defence of the People of England, and a Treatise on Christian Doctrine.

We learn from Todd's first edition of Milton's Poetry, published in 1801, that there had been up to that time published in England, as far as he could learn, one hundred and four distinct editions of Milton's Poems, or parts of them; in other countries the following, six in the Greek language, fifteen in Latin, six in Italian, eleven in French, eight in Dutch and German, and five in Portuguese. There had also been fifteen alterations or paraphrases or parodies, forty-nine distinct criticisms, and seventeen laudatory poems.

4.-History of the Hartford Convention, with a Review of the Policy of the United States' Government, which led to the war of 1812. By Theodore Dwight, Secretary of the

Convention. New York: N. & J. White. Boston: Russell, Odiorne, & Co. 1833. pp. 447.

THE darkest period in the history of this country was that from 1806 to 1815. There were indeed times that tried men's souls during the Revolution. When Washington was left with his ill-clothed, ill-fed, and rapidly diminishing army to skulk about the plains of New Jersey and Delaware, satisfied, if with more than Fabian skill, he could but elude and weary out his foes, and Congress with a depreciating currency, and no other power to raise men or money, but mere paper requisitions on the States, could afford him no relief, the prospect was indeed dubious. The sun of American Independence was in deep eclipse. But behind the cloud, it still poured its rays in full, warm and united beams. The people still loved the cause, confided in its justice, were united among themselves, and the determination to resist, though relaxed from temporary exhaustion, was as fixed and resolute as ever. Not so in the years 1806-1815. Then the country was rent into factions, the one party devotedly following the beck of their leaders, and ratifying any apparent violations of the constitution, and the other jealous of the government, and sensitive in the extreme to every exertion of executive power, how far soever within the chartered limits of its authority. The new ship of state, which from 1789 to 1806 had rode so proudly and prosperously on a calm sea, now for the first time encountered the terrific war of elements, which European politics had raised. Dark clouds, storm and tempest lowered without, and mutiny raged within. Who could predict the fearful result?-The time to write a faithful and impartial history of that period, has not perhaps arrived. But whenever such a history shall be written, and some master-spirit, with the penetration and philosophy of a Burke,

shall detect and expose, that secret viciousness of the constitution, or that insidious bane of popular governments, which brought us to the very brink of ruin, it will be the most instructive and important, as it certainly is the most mortifying portion of our history.Mr. Dwight's book might have been more appropriately entitled, A history of the diplomacy, foreign policy, and relations of the government of the United States, from the close of Washington's administration to the year 1815.' It consists for the most part of extracts from the diplomatic correspondence, executive messages, reports of departments, &c., of the period. As the work is professedly a vindication of the principles, measures and objects of the friends of the convention, it necessarily involves a crimination of the principles, measures and objects of the dominant party. From public documents and private correspondence, it is attempted to be shown, that "an ardent and overweening attachment to revolutionary France, and an implacable enmity to Great Britain, were the governing principles " of the administrations of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. Mr. Jefferson's own declarations contained in his posthumous works, his opposition to the treaty of Mr. Jay in 1794, his repeated refusals to renew that treaty, his rejection of the treaty of Mr. King in 1803, relative to the northern boundary, as also of that of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney in 1807, and his whole "restrictive system," are the principal proofs adduced in support of this proposition. "The evidence on which it rests," says the writer, "is derived from the public documents of the government, from state papers published by their authority, and from other sources equally creditable. Its authenticity therefore cannot be doubted; and the only question, that can be raised is, whether it is sufficient to establish the point for which it is adduced. On this subject, if the author is not greatly deceived, there will be little room for dispute. The chain of evidence is, in his opinion, entire, its credit unimpeachable, its force irresistible."

This review of the origin and causes of the war of 1812, occupies about one half the volume. It is of course ex parte. But as it is made up principally of extracts from public documents and state papers, and that too, not garbled and tortured, but copious, unequivocal, and sometimes entire, we do not see how the force of evidence can be evaded. If these documents are allowed to speak out their "plain, unvarnished tale," the inevitable conclusion is, that the war of 1812 was unnecessary and unjust.

The latter half of the volume is occupied with a review of the measures adopted by the government in the prosecution of the war, and the measures of the opposition in Connecticut and Massachusetts, the " Report" and "Secret Journal" of the Convention. Mr. Dwight contends that the country was utterly unprepared for war, so that the war, even if it had been just, was