of life, unfolded, illustrated, and impressed upon the mind of the young candidate for usefulness and honor?

This we contend ought to be done; and it must be done, or vice will thrive and flourish, drawing its nourishment from the very soil which a merely intellectual cultivation has prepared for it. And where virtue may perchance appear in its stead, it will be but of bastard growth and of doubtful character. Does any say, then, that this is a matter of inferior moment?-A knowledge of the principles of duty, less important than a knowledge of the forms and laws of language, of the structure and diversified surface of the earth, of the distances and motions of the heavenly bodies, of the merest processes of numerical calculation? Does it less concern us, as rational and accountable beings, to know definitely and distinctly what course of action we are bound to pursue, in our several relations to God and to man, and in the almost endless diversifications of conduct, growing out of those relations, and calling for attention every day of our lives-than to know how to speak and write correctly, how to locate or bound a city or a province, how to explain the revolutions of the planets, or how to cast up the weekly or yearly accounts of our gains and losses? Is our true interest more intimately connected with a knowledge of the physical universe, and with what serves mainly to gratify curiosity and to facilitate the transactions of trade -than with a deep and clear understanding of what is required of us, in every possible juncture and combination of circumstances, by the immutable principles of justice, equity, and benevolence, as revealed by conscience and the word of God? The simple statement is a sufficient refutation.

It has been already asserted that little-a mere substitute for nothing is done in our schools to engraft the principles of this science upon the youthful mind. We do not forget

here the laudable and most useful labors of Sabbath school instruction. In this way, it is true, the principles of scriptural morality are in some measure unfolded, and young minds familiarized with their more usual demands and applications. In this way also, many apposite and affecting examples, fitted in the happiest manner to illustrate and enforce the maxims of pure ethics, are brought to view and indelibly impressed on the memory. Few teachers, however, have the requisite ability, or the requisite time, to

carry out these principles in all their bearings, and give them an abiding, practical force on the minds of their pupils, except perhaps in their most simple and obvious form of application. And the consequence is, that these pupils go out into the world, with much valuable knowledge of the Bible and of biblical morality, it is granted; but yet with ideas so general and so little accommodated practically to those unanticipated questions in morals, which the affairs of daily life are fitted continually to suggest, that they are after all much in the condition of a ship upon unknown

seas.

No person of reflection and candor can doubt, that moral studies should hold a prominent place among the branches pursued in our common schools. A great change here is imperiously demanded. But before it can be effected, we must have an ethical treatise which will meet the demand. The fact is, we have no text-books, no guides, nothing at all adapted to the exigency of the case. To direct the youth to study Paley, would be to entangle him in a net-work of plausible but pernicious sophistry; and yet to what better guide could you commit him? Paley, indeed, if his theory were correct, could hardly be expected to win general favor. Precise, simple, nervous, and business-like, he is admirably suited to mature minds; but for the young, we need some→ thing more familiar, more replete with illustration, more on a level with common affairs, and having more of the light and warmth of actual life. But the grand defect of this writer is, that his system is fundamentally false, and calculated, while it must fail us as a guide in practice, to sap the very foundation of genuine morality. Other works we have, it is true, both English and American; but nothing which a discerning public seem willing to patronize, or even coldly to approve. A good text-book in ethics, therefore, at once philosophical and popular, correct in theory, luminous in plan, rich in illustration, attractive in style, and practical in tendency, is still a desideratum; and till it be supplied, one most important branch of education, on which, perhaps hardly less than any other, the future character and well being of the community is suspended, must lie in comparative neglect.

ARTICLE IV.

ON THE RIGHT OF DISCUSSING THE SUBJECT OF

SLAVERY.

THE people of the slave-holding States, on the question of slavery, may properly be arranged into three classes. First, the advocates of perpetual bondage. The number of men is by no means inconsiderable, who justify slavery both in the abstract and in practice. Elaborate vindications of the right of holding men in servitude have been attempted in Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia. We have in our possession a voluminous pamphlet, from the pen of a learned college professor, in which the principles of a petty despotism are alleged with considerable ability, and with great zeal.— Another very large class maintain, with various shades of difference, the following propositions. Slavery was wrong in its origin the guilt of its introduction rests mainly, if not entirely, on Great Britain, or, at all events, on past generations the present race of slave-holders, are principally concerned in affording kind bodily treatment to the slaves, and in mitigating, so far as may be, a necessary evil: the means, by which slavery may be finally removed, are wrapped in impenetrable mystery. Such are the practical opinions, if they are not the theory, of a great number of slave-holders.— A third class, small as yet, but constantly increasing, are ready to take immediate measures to prepare their slaves for a condition of freedom. They look forward with strong hope to the time when slavery shall be extirpated from the land. Many of them, particularly in the States of Maryland and Kentucky, are willing to fix on a definite time, at which involuntary servitude shall cease. They readily unite in any practicable and judicious measure for the accomplishment of this object.

The first class of persons, which we have mentioned, deny the right and expediency of agitating the question of slavery any where, and on any occasion. Of course, they are to be justified in so doing, if slavery is the blessed institution which they try to prove that it is. Why attack the great civilizer of nations? Why cast your missiles on a venerable patriarchal

institution, sanctioned by the Mosaic economy, and tolerated even under the Christian dispensation?

The second class, while they would not take away from themselves the right of discussing the question, deny the exercise of this right to the people of the free States, or at least, if they yield the right, deny the propriety of using it. They assert that slavery is altogether a domestic concern. Remedies, if any shall ever be found, must be devised and applied by slave-holders, and by them alone. The people of the north must observe a profound silence on the whole question, or if any thing be said or written, it must be confined to naked theories. There must be a total abstinence from facts. Every movement in the north will only make the bolts of slavery stronger and firmer, and retard, if they do not totally prevent, the day of emancipation.

We do not doubt at all, that such assertions are made in entire sincerity and good faith. At the same time, we are compelled wholly to dissent from them. We cannot see the expediency or the justice, of abstaining from the discussion of this great subject. We do not know of a single question in political economy, or in morals, which demands more mature investigation, more thorough and profound discussion. Before proceeding, however, to exhibit the reasons for this opinion, we will make a few preliminary observations.

The vast majority of the people of the free States, have no wish to interfere directly or indirectly, with any legal or constitutional rights of the southern States. They are willing to abide by the contract which they have formed. They could wish, indeed, that there had been no necessity for any compromise between the free and slave-holding States, in forming the constitution. But as it is, they have no wish to dissolve the Union, abrogate the constitution, or impair any of its provisions. Under the broad shield of the constitution, all the States have lived and rejoiced; God has made it the instrument of immeasurable blessings; may it pass unhurt through every fiery trial.

Again, the people of the free States decidedly prefer to follow in all discussions on this subject. They wish to take a subordinate place, as advisers and co-operators. They wish their brethren in the southern States to originate plans, and point out the line of argument, and they will readily fall in and take the lowest rank. Their heart's desire and prayer to God is, that something may be done. In the execution of

any plan, they do not expect or desire to lead. They know that nothing can be done without the cordial and full consent of the slave-holders.

Once more, we are willing to admit all those palliations, and alleviating circumstances, in respect to southern slavery, of which the case admits. If there be any redeeming qualities in the system, however slight may be their influence, we consider it to be our duty fully to acknowledge them. No man will say that the inheriting of slaves is so criminal as for a northern man to remove to a slave-holding State, and purchase them. There is certainly a greater degree of wrong in selling slaves indiscriminately, than in selling an entire family together. We know perfectly that many a slave-holder, from the time when his eyes first saw the light, has been surrounded with slaves. They have nursed him in sickness, and have ministered to his every want and gratification. He has never been taught on the Sabbath, or else'where, to think upon the wrongfulness of the slave system, upon its palpable and tremendous violation of that rule which requires us to do to others as we would be done by ourselves. His eyes, perhaps, were never fixed on one of the principles of the New Testament, which, if conscientiously and universally practised, would annihilate slavery forever. A southern newspaper is a very different thing from a northern one. Those southern editors, who are friends of ultimate emancipation, are compelled to admit articles upon the subject with extreme caution, and only such as have a remote and circuitous bearing upon the subject. This ignorance certainly does not justify what is wrong, but it would be difficult to prove that it does not afford some alleviation of it. To a certain extent, and in regard to many men, this ignorance is not altogether wilful.

We believe, furthermore, that slavery ought to be regarded mainly in its economical and moral bearings. It has always been the tendency in public opinion in the northern States, to regard slavery principally in its physical character, as the cause of extreme and extensive bodily suffering. But if this species of suffering were occasioned in a tenfold greater degree than it is, it would not be wise in us to dwell upon it. It would furnish the appearance of attacking the slave-holder, rather than the system of slavery. It administers personal reproof to him as a cruel tyrant. His passions are immediately aroused, and he loses sight of the system—of the 33

VOL. II.