whom they might prophecy what he would do, but by a person on whom they could depend, and in appointing whom they would be guided by unerring experience.

Mr. Littleton himself unsuccessfully requested Mr. Hume to withdraw his motion, which had been made without his consent, and against his inclination. He felt it, he said, to be a most unpleasant thing to be placed in competition with so distinguished an individual, whose nomination, in 1817, he himself had seconded. Mr. Sutton's claim to the perfect confidence of the house stood on the plain and simple ground of sixteen years of past services. In a house of commons containing so many new members, and when business was likely so greatly to increase, it was a matter of no small importance to have the chair filled by an individual well acquainted, and that, too, practically, with the customs and usages of parliament. Mr. Sutton never had been, and, he was sure, never would be, a timid asserter of the just rights and privileges of the Commons; and, though he certainly would not sacrifice his own conscientious opinions to those of others, he would never allow his personal sentiments to interfere with his public duty.

Lord Ebrington spoke in the same strain with the mover and seconder of Mr. Sutton. Mr. Tennyson, though he declared his intention of voting on the same side, regretted that ministers had not adopted a course which would have saved the house from the necessity of coming to such a conclusion. He agreed with the doctrine that the Speaker of a reformed house of commons should be one who entertained sentiments that harmonized with

the majority of the members of that house, and of the people of the country at large; but he would beg to remark, that as yet they did not know what were the sentiments of the member for the University of Cambridge, and they were in ignorance as to whether his sentiments harmonized or not with the sentiments and opinions of the people of England. He certainly should have liked to have heard, that the gentleman, whose re-appointment they were now discussing, had ere this been elevated to a still higher and more honourable situation-a seat in the other house, which the long services of a laborious life had amply earned for him; and he should have felt grateful, in common with all those who had witnessed them, to that gentleman for the impartiality, the courtesy, and the firmness which had uniformly marked the discharge of his public duties. It certainly, under all the circumstances of the case, struck him with great surprise that that gentleman should have appeared again in that house; but, finding him there, it was impossible to compare the qualifications of any untried member with those which he possessed for filling the office of Speaker of the House of Commons. He could not say that he wanted confidence in him; he had, on the contrary, the most perfect confidence in him. He was quite sure, that he would embody the sentiments of that house, as it would be his duty to do, even though they should be repugnant to his own. Mr. Tennyson farther expressed himself desirous to know whether there was any truth in the rumour that the ministers of the crown had presumed to nego-. ciate with any one as to who should

preside over that free parliament He could not bring himself to believe such rumours; for if he did, he should feel himself obliged to withdraw from his Majesty's ministers that general support which it was his intention to give them. He did not know any offence that would better deserve impeachment than such an interference on the part of the servants of the King as to who should be the party to preside over the deliberations of that house.

This called up lord Althorpe, who declared, that, so far as his knowledge went, no influence of the kind described had been employed. He was ready to admit, that, if he found placed before him two gentlemen of equal merits claiming the chair of that house, one of whom agreed with him in political opinions, and the other differed from him, he should certainly be in favour of that individual whose sentiments coincided with his own, and with those of the majority of the house. But when he found that the member for the University of Cambridge had been again returned a member of that house, he certainly did conceive that every other feeling should bend to that of having the benefit of his experience in the chair. Under such circumstances, he would have been guilty of the grossest dereliction of duty, if he had allowed any party considerations to influence him, to give his vote against a gentleman whose experience so fully entitled him to fill the situation of Speaker. He would acknowledge that, after the right hon. gentleman's return, he wrote to him, to ask him whether, in the event of his being re-elected to fill the chair of that house, he would be ready to undertake the

office; and telling him, that if he did so, he should have his support. This was what the member for Lambeth and the member for Dublin called “ dictating" to that house. If they were now to be taunted about ministers dictating to the House of Commons, he would only say, that they had wasted two years in useless discussion. Neither was there any fear of the country being a loser by the bargain. It was a vulgar mistake that the pension had begun on the prorogation of the late parliament. It did not begin till Mr. Sutton had ceased to be Speaker; and that was not till the dissolution of the late parliament.

The inclination of the house in favour of Mr. Sutton being very manifest, his opponents now confined themselves principally to the question, whether he would not be entitled both to his pension and his salary. Mr. Sutton himself declared, that he believed it to be impossible that an individual occupying the chair could be entitled to a single shilling voted as a retiring pension. This he believed to have been the intention of the legislature when it passed the act of last session; but whatever that intention might have been, and whatever might be the legal construction of the act, it was his firm determination not to receive a farthing of the pension whilst he filled the chair. Mr. Warburton, Mr. Hume, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. Faithful, held that, under the act of parliament, the pension would be good, unless repealed by another statute, and that ministers must therefore pledge themselves immediately to bring in a bill for that purpose. The declaration of Mr. Sutton might be sufficient in one sense; but in another, it

neither became the dignity of the house, nor could be otherwise than injurious to his interests. The question was not whether the new Speaker, being entitled both to pension and salary, would consent to relinquish the former so long as he filled the office which gave him right to the latter, but whether he was so entitled to both. If he was, then, on being elevated to the chair, without a revision of the act conferring on him a pension, he would be placed in a position so wholly independent of the esteem and good-will of that house, that, supposing his conduct should be of such a character as to compel the house to expel him from his office, he could fall back upon his pension, wholly regardless of the house's censure or reluctance to appropriate the public money to the payment of that pension. By a statute he was entitled to a pension of 4,0007. from the moment he ceased to preside in that house, and no mere declaration of any minister could counteract that statute. The minister might express in that house his reluctance to propose a vote for the payment of the pension under the supposed case, but a court of law would soon convince him that only the legislature could repeal or modify one of its own solemn acts. The house, therefore, should bear in mind that it was suddenly called upon to elect a man who was, as a pensioner of the state, wholly independent of the people and their representatives.

The Attorney and Solicitor General maintained, that there was no feasible ground for these cavils, and that Mr. Sutton, if re-elected, could have no claim to his retiring annuity. The act conferring the pension provided, that he could not claim his re

tiring annuity till he ceased to draw his salary as Speaker; and, by the act for regulating the salary of the Speaker, it was provided that the individual holding that office should be entitled to receive the salary attached to it "till a Speaker is chosen in the new parliament." Under this provision, Mr. Sutton was entitled to his Speaker's salary till a was elected; and, under the act of last session, by being thus entitled to his salary, he could not be entitled to any part of his pension.

successor

Mr. Hume, having pressed his motion to a division, 241 members voted for Mr. Sutton, and 31 for Mr. Littleton.

On the 5th of February, the first session of the new parliament was opened by the king in person with the following speech :

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "The period being now arrived at which the business of parliament is usually resumed, I have called you together for the discharge of the important duties with which you are intrusted.

"Never, at any time, did subjects of greater interest and magnitude call for your attention.

"I have still to lament the continuance of the civil war in Portugal, which has for some months existed between the princes of the House of Braganza! From the commencement of this contest I have abstained from all interference, except such as was required for the protection of British subjects resident in Portugal. but you may be assured that I shall not fail to avail myself o any opportunity that may be afforded me to assist in restoring peace to a country with which the interests of my dominions are so intimately connected.

"I have also to regret that my anxious endeavours to effect a definitive arrangement between Holland and Belgium have hitherto been unsuccessful. I found myself at length compelled, in conjunction with the king of the French, to take measures for the execution of the treaty of the 15th of November, 1831.

The capture of the citadel of Antwerp has in part accomplished that object; but the Dutch government still refusing to evacuate the rest of the territories assigned to Belgium by that treaty, the embargo which I had directed to be imposed on the Dutch commerce has been continued. Negotiations are again commenced; and you may rely on their being conducted on my part, as they have uniformly been, with the single view of ensuring to Holland and Belgium a separate existence on principles of mutual security and independence. The good faith and honour with which the French government has acted in these transactions, and the assurances which I continue to receive from the chief powers of Europe of their friendly disposition, give me confidence in the success of my endeavours to preserve the general peace. I have given directions that the various papers which are necessary for your information on the affairs of Holland and Belgium should be laid before you.

"The approaching termination of the charters of the Bank of England and of the East-India Company will require a revision of these establishments; and I rely on your wisdom for making such provisions for the important interests connected with them as may appear, from experience and full consideration, to be best calculated to secure public credit, to improve

and extend our commerce, and to promote the general prosperity and power of the British empire.

"Your attention will also be directed to the state of the church, more particularly as regards its temporalities and the maintenance of the clergy. The complaints which have arisen from the collection of tithes appear to require a change of system, which, without diminishing the means of maintaining the established clergy in respectability and usefulness, may prevent the collision of interests, and the consequent disagreements and dissatisfaction which have too frequently prevailed between the ministers of the church and their parishioners.

"It may also be necessary for you to consider what remedies may be applied for the correction of acknowledged abuses, and whether the revenues of the church may not admit of a more equitable and judicious distribution.

"In your deliberations on these important subjects, it cannot be necessary for me to impress upon you the duty of carefully attending to the security of the church established by law in these realms, and to the true interests of religion.

"In relation to Ireland, with a view of removing the causes of complaint which had been so generally felt, and which had been attended with such unfortunate consequences, an act was passed during the last session of Parliament for carrying into effect a general composition for tithes. To complete that salutary work, I recommend to you, in conjunction with such other amendments of the law as may be found applicable to that part of my dominions, the adoption of a measure by which, upon the principle of a just com

mutation, the possessors of land may be enabled to free themselves from the burden of an annual payment.

"In the further reforms that may be necessary, you will probably find that, although the established church of Ireland is, by law, permanently united with that of England, the peculiarities of their respective circumstances will require a separate consideration. There are other subjects hardly less important to the general peace and welfare of Ireland, as affecting the administration of justice, and the local taxation of that country, to which your attention will be also required.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

"I have directed the estimates for the service of the year to be laid before you. They will be framed with the most anxious attention to all useful economy. Notwithstanding the large reduction in the estimates of the last year, I am happy to inform you, that all the extraordinary services which the exigencies of the times required have been amply provided for. The state of the revenue, as compared with the public expenditure, has hitherto fully realized the expectations that were formed at the close of the last session.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "In this part of the United Kingdom, with very few exceptions, the public peace has been preserved; and it will be your anxious but grateful duty to promote by all practicable means, habits of industry and good order amongst the labouring classes of the community.

"On my part, I shall be ready to co-operate to the utmost of my power in obviating all just causes

of complaint, and in promoting all well-considered measures of improvement. But it is my painful duty to observe, that the disturbances in Ireland, to which I adverted at the close of the last session, have greatly increased. A spirit of insubordination and violence has risen to the most fearful height; rendering life and property insecure, defying the authority of the law, and threatening the most fatal consequences, if not promptly and effectually repressed.

"I feel confident that to your loyalty and patriotism I shall not resort in vain for assistance in these afflicting circumstances, and that you will be ready to adopt such measures of salutary precaution, and to intrust to me such additional powers, as may be found necessary for controlling and punishing the disturbers of the public peace, and for preserving and strengthening the legislative union between the two countries, which, with your support, and under the blessings of Divine Providence, I am determined to maintain, by all the measures in my power, as indissolubly connected with the peace, security, and welfare of my people."

In the House of Lords, the address, moved by the marquis of Conyngham, and seconded by lord Kinnaird, was agreed to unanimously; and the only discussion that was elicited was produced by the sentiments expressed by lord Aberdeen and the duke of Wellington against the foreign policy of the government, especially in relation to Portugal and Holland.

In the Commons, the case was very different. Those parts of the royal speech which pointed at the adop tion of extraordinary measures for repressing the insubordination that prevailed in Ireland, immediately