camp. It intimates to me that I have no right to claim any other territory than St. Jean d'Acre, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, in Syria; that I ought immediately to withdraw my army; and that, in case of refusal, I shall expose myself to the most serious consequences. Your aide-de-camp, according to the instructions which you have given him, has added verbally, that if I persist in my pretensions, the combined French and English fleets will proceed to the coast of Egypt.

Pray, M. l'Ambassadeur, how have you the right to call on me to sacrifice myself thus ?

"I have in my favour the whole nation. It only rests with me to raise up Roumelia and Anatolia. United with my nation, I could effect much. Master of so many countries-victorious at all points -when I heard the organs of public opinion decree to me the possession of all Syria, I retarded the march of my troops, with the sole view of sparing a useless effusion of blood, and consulting the disposition of European policy. In recompense for this, and for the moderation which I have shown, and after so many sacrifices for a nation which had invited me, which had united itself with me, and enabled me to obtain so many victories to demand of me now the abandonment of the country which I occupy, and that I shall withdraw my army into a small province composed of four districts, which you call pachalicks-is not this pronouncing against me a sentence of political death?

"But I feel confident, that France and England will not deny me justice. They will acknowledge my rights. Their honour is opposed to this step. But if, unhap

pily, I am wholly deceived in this expectation, I will submit myself, under such circumstances, to the will of God, and, preferring an honourable death to ignominy, joyfully devote myself for the cause of my nation, happy to consecrate to it the last breath of my life. Upon this I am determined, and history offers more than one example of a similar immolation.

"Under all circumstances, I hope that your excellency will recognise the justice of my rights, and recommend the acceptance of the last propositions which I have made through the medium of his excellency, Halil Pacha.

These propositions included the pachalic of Tripoli, which made him master of the whole of Syria, and the adjoining district of Ådana, which brought him up to the very foot of Mount Taurus.

While he returned this answer to the diplomatists, he sent orders to Ibrahim to advance, and conclude no peace on any other terms. Ibrahim immediately pushed on from Kintakia, as soon as he could concentrate his forces. Constantinople was once more in dismay. The Russian ambassador was again requested to hasten the arrival of a fleet and army. Both were in readiness. Before the end of April, 15,000 Russians had been landed at Scutari, on the Asiatic side of the strait, where they encamped between Ibrahim and the Bosphorus. A more numerous army was on its march from the Danube, while a Russian fleet guarded the Bosphorus itself. It manifestly was not the interest of Russia, that Ibrahim, by receding from his demands, or the sultan's, by granting them, should shorten the duration of her protectorate. It was the interest of the other pow

ers, again, that every pretext for the presence of the Russians should be removed. The sultan wavered, as one party or the other prevailed with him. He was sufficiently sensible of the dangers of being dependent on the fleets and armies of his powerful ally; he was willing to make sacrifices to get rid of them; but he had found, that the other powers defended him only with despatches, to which his victorious vassal paid no regard. Moreover, he was apprehensive, that the appearance of Ibrahim at Scutari would be the signal of a revolt in the capital, and there was nothing but the Russian army to prevent Scutari from becoming the headquarters of Ibrahim, who kept himself in his advanced position, ready for action.

The wish, however, to get rid, both of Ibrahim Pacha and of the emperor Nicholas, induced him to grant to Mehemed part of his additional demands. M. Varennes was authorised to proceed to the Egyptian head-quarters, and concede the pachalic of Aleppo. Ibrahim, however, insisted immovably on receiving likewise the district of Adana. To his father it was of immense importance, because it supplies, in the vicinity of the sea, inexhaustible stores of timber for shipbuilding, and this was the very reason why the sultan was unwilling to grant it. Ibrahim, however, consented to remain where he was, till the negociator should return to Constantinople for new instructions. The sultan, at last, found it necessary or prudent to comply. Military operations in Asia Minor, between Russia and the Egyptians, would only have thrown him more completely into the power of the former. On the 5th of May, he gave up Adana, and solemnly con

firmed it, along with the whole of Syria, to Mehemet Ali; granting, at the same time, an amnesty to all its inhabitants, for the conduct which they might have followed during the expedition of Ibrahim. The pacha of Egypt had now made himself a more powerful monarch than his nominal master. He was master, from the limits of Asia Minor to the mouth of the Nile, and had shown that, at his pleasure, he could make the sultan tremble within the walls of the Seraglio.

On the conclusion of the peace, Ibrahim began his retrograde movement. By the end of July, he had recrossed Mount Taurus, and immediately engaged his engineers in fortifying the important passes in the district of Adana. So soon as it was known that he had quitted Asia Minor, the Russian troops and squadron likewise took their departure; the march of the army from the Danube had already been countermanded. The preponderance of Russia was now established; Constantinople had been within her grasp; the sultan had been made to feel the full weight of dependence; his policy was now become subservient to Russia. The two powers soon afterwards concluded a treaty, by which Russia was to aid the sultan in repressing all disturbances, and the sultan was to shut the Dardanelles, in particular circumstances, against all other nations. England and France complained, that such a treaty should have been concluded without their concurrence, and each of them had a fleet near the sea of Marmora ; but their remonstrances were unheeded, and their fleets returned. The popular and prophetic belief of the Byzantines, in the days of the Porphyrogenitæ, seemed to be rapidly approaching

its fulfilment. Gibbon, when recording the invasions in which, during the tenth century, the savage warriors of the original Russian provinces, descending the Dnieper in coracles hollowed out of the trunk of a beech or a willow, imposed tribute on the eastern empire, informs us, that, in the capital," the vulgar of every rank asserted and believed, that an equestrian statue in the square of Taurus, was secretly inscribed with a prophecy, how the Russians, in the last days, should become masters of Constantinople." In our own time, a Russian armament, instead of sailing from the Borysthenes, has circumnavigated the continent

of Europe; and the Turkish capital has been threatened by a squadron of strong and lofty ships of war, each of which, with its naval science, and thundering artillery, could have sunk or scattered an hundred canoes, such as those of their ancestors. Perhaps the present generation may yet behold the accomplishment of the prediction of a rare prediction, of which the style is unambiguous, and the date unquestionable." The generation of the historian did not behold it; but the generation that followed, has witnessed at least the deep and distinct shadow of the coming event.

as "subversive of the rights of the states, and the liberties of the people:" it hurled back upon the president the menaces of armed violence; and declared the unalterable purpose of the people to repel force by force, should the troops of the union attempt to invade their territory. The legislature adopted this report, and proceeded to act upon it, by making preparations for resistance: while the governor, in order to keep pace with the warlike spirit of the legislative bodies, issued a proclamation, in reply to that of the President, warning the people of Carolina against the attempt of the President to seduce them from their allegiance-exhorting them to disregard his menaces, and to protect the liberties of the state against his arbitrary measuresand directing the volunteers and the militia to hold themselves in readiness to take the field at a moment's notice in defence of the nullifying ordinance. Meetings were held, in which the spirit of resistance was inflamed by the most violent harangues. The doctrine of the Carolinians was, that they had a right to resist the revenue laws enacted by the general legislature, whenever they deemed them unequal or oppressive, that they were the sole judges of that inequality or oppression,-that, on this point, the decisions of the United States judicature and the enactments of the Congress were to be disregarded, that they had a right to impose severe penalties on their own state population for complying with the laws of the Union,-and that if the forces of the Confederacy threatened to invade their territory, or its vessels obstructed their ports, they had an indefeasi

ble right to declare themselves independent of the remaining states, and to resume their undivided, un limited sovereignty. Their principle was not only, that, in entering into the Confederacy, they reserved certain rights, but that they were at liberty to break off from the Union, and resume their independence at their pleasure.

These proceedings drew from the President, in the month of January, a message to Congress, in order to obtain the means of supporting the laws and authority of the Union. "South Carolina," (said he,)" presents herself in the attitude of hostile preparation, and ready even for military violence, if need be, to enforce her laws for preventing the collection of the duties within her limits. Proceedings such as these must be distinguished from menaces of unlawful resistance by irregular bodies of people, who, acting under temporary delusion, may be restrained by reflection and the influence of public opinion from the commission of actual outrage. In the present instance, aggression may be regarded as committed when it is officially authorized, and the means of enforcing it fully provided." In opposition to the subversive doctrines of the nullifiers the President maintained, as he had done in his proclamation, that the American Union was something more than a mere Confederacy of independent states, and that no one state could withdraw itself from its obligations, at its own will and pleasure. The right of a people of a single state to absolve themselves at will, and without the consent of the other states, from their most solemn obligations, and hazard the liberties and happiness of the