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tions has been virtually an edict for the imposition of new taxes in England; that the ultimate enlargement of the Indian state into imperial bulk, has but created a more devouring monster than any that gorges whole cities and camps in the mythology of that country; and that, nevertheless, ali this while, the most lofty strain of exultation and prediction has been invariably sung by a class of interested persons under whose auspices all these matters have been conducted-it is no wonder if modern India, is become, to this nation, the most nauseous of all historical subjects.

The mortification thus attending a possession which, under the mock superficial show of every thing splendid and prosperous, is making itself felt as a deadly grievance,

receives no alleviation from the nation's moral self-complacency. Nobody has ever been struck with the parallel between our wars in Hindoostan and the wars of the Maccabees. It was beyond any one's gravity, to vapour about altars and firesides,' in explanation of our reasons for quarrelling and fighting with Subahs and Sultans, several thousand miles on the other the other side the Cape of Good Hope. And even after making an allowance, very far beyond the laws of Chirstian morality, for what would be called 'generous ambition,' honourable aggrandizement,' and so forth; and after disclaiming, as relative to the eastern sovereigns, the doctrine of divine right, in a much greater degree than it has recently been the fashion to do respecting the old occupants of western musnuds; still the national conscience, (if we may be allowed such a phrase) has not been so exactly on a bed of roses as to enjoy with unmingled delight the serenade of victory. The nation has indeed at no time clearly understood, or cared to understand, the principles of Anglo-Indian policy; but it has had one constant persuasion of their being such, as no man could venture to defend in a practical exemplification, on a reduced scale, in the transactions immediately within our cognizance and experience. And besides the exceptionable quality of the general system, there have been, during the course of our triumphs and acquisitions, a vast number of reports, more or less distinct, of flagrant acts of rapacity and cruelty committed, and with impunity, by individuals; and yet so effectually kept back from full exposure, so dubiously given to view through alternate gleams and shadows, as to excite a suspicion that, in a region where there are the means of so perplexing and darkening evidence, there may be a sufficient darkness for the workers of iniquity to hide themselves,-there may be, consequently, a mass of unknown iniquity perpetrated. And VOL. VII.

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this suspicion will rest, permanently, on some of the earlier periods of our progress in India, whatever may be our conviction of the amended morality, or more effectual responsibility of our later agents in that country. The amend ment, supposing it ever so great, has not yet prevailed long enough, nor made its effects sufficiently notorious, to modify materially the collective character of our Indian history, which is not looked back upon, by the more con scientious part of the nation, without some invincible sentiment much of the nature of shame.

These observations may, perhaps, explain one or two of the causes of the indifference, or rather repugnance, among the generality of reading English people, to any researches into our Asiatic history. It is almost needless to notice that, during the last twenty years, certain phænomena have been presented nearer home, which have reduced to comparative insignificance the events in all remote parts of the world. At Dover we can see, at the distance of twenty miles, the edge of a continent which is the scene of transactions both far more wonderful, and incomparably more important to us, than all that has taken place in Asia for a thousand years-incomparably more important, than if all the thrones between the longitudes of Astrachan and Japan were to be overturned in one summer.

In addition to all these matters of high consideration, there are certain small circumstances that have their effect on literary, or call it vulgar, taste, in spite of the consciousness of its being something very like folly to admit such an effect. Such a circumstance is the Indian nomenclature, which, we believe, gives sad offence to the generality of English eyes and ears. It is inconvenient enough, that there are a great number of terms of constant recurrence, of which no social party of half a dozen will ever take the trouble to recollect the meaning:-and even if theywere anxions enough about it to keep, each, a glossary constantly pinned on the sleeve, there would, we fear, he no getting cured of a certain perverse irksome perception of ugliness in the sound of such vocables as, Begum, Chowkey, Chubdar, Boupary, Jowkdar, Cuchurry, Hackery, Jemmautdaar, Mutusuddy, Hurkareh, Munshy, Suzauril, Paishcash, Musnud, Hawaily, &c. &c. &c. &c.—By the way, it is not unamusing to observe, as we do now and then, in the discourse and the writing of persons who have acquired a little smattering of knowledge respecting the matters and doings of the Mahometans and Pagans of Mogul-shire, with what an air of consequence some of these specimens of euphony shall be brought in, perforce, when the mother

tongue has words to express quite as much as these gentlemen know about the subject;-nor is it also (to glance a moment in a very different direction) a little curious to remark, how the poor Greeks were distressed and overpowered by the majestic sounds of the Indian names of such of the counties and towns as they got near enough to hear of, and what labour they had to reduce them to the humble chatter of the Athenian dialect, by a process of transmutation that has rendered it somewhat difficult to identify them.

All this while, we might have been giving a more direct illustration of the uninteresting quality of modern Indian history, by just transcribing half a score of the Sultan Tippoo's letters,than which, for the most part, it is impossible to conceive any thing more perfectly jejune. They are generally of the length of only a very few lines, dictating, aconically, the royal pleasure or displeasure to his military or civil servants ; with here and there one addressed to persons, who are reluctantly and awkwardly acknowledged to possess power independent of him. In writing to this class of correspondents, he appears with too much arrogance to be respectful, and at the same time, with too little judgement to be dignified. Nothing can be more paltry than the clumsy jumble of ceremony and insolence, with which he renders the formality of an acknowledgement to his imperial superior, Shah Allum, the nominal Sovereign of Indostan, the hapless fallen successor of the Timours and Aurengzebes.

We do not, and need not, entertain a lower opinion of our august letter-writer than Col. K. himself, who is probably the first man that has used expressions of such entire contempt as those we here transcribe, and which ought not to be transcribed, without a protest against the application of such rough and contumelious terms to any crowned head, in times so inauspicious as the present to the regal dignity,

The importance of these letters, indeed, does not consist so much in the light which they are calculated to shed on several ma terial occurrences of the period they relate to, (though in this respect they will certainly be found an useful guide to the future historian of Mysore) as in the vivid illustration which they afford of the ge nius, talents, and disposition of this extraordinary author, who is here successively and repeatedly delineated, in colours from his own pencil, as the cruel and relentless enemy; the intolerant bigot or furious fanatic; the oppressive and unjust ruler; the harsh and rigid master; the sanguinary tyrant; the perfidious negociator; the frivolous and ca pricious innovator; the mean and minute economist; the peddling trader; and even the retail shop-keeper.' p. 10.

The laconic manner was certainly well adapted, if not absolutely necessary, to the purpose of one who had his pen for ever in his hand, and who himself (whether from inclination, or from an universal distrust of all whom he employed, or from a passion to be thought not only a principal, but the sole originator of every thing) directed, either by writing or orally, the most minute details of his government. Such a one could not have had leisure to compose long letters, had they been necessary. But be this as it might, the Sultan does not appear to have possessed a sufficient stretch of thought upon any subject (even those that he most delighted in or affected) to enable him to discuss it with logical force or precision. A consecutive train of argument was a thing of which he nowhere seems to have had an idea: yet some of the occasions on which he wrote or dictated, certainly afforded ample scope for the display of the reasoning faculty. His writings, however, furnish as little proof of his having possessed this faculty as his actions in general did. Even in his own memoirs, which he did not begin to compose till he was past forty, we meet with nothing indicating capacity of any kind. He did not even write with facility. This is clearly shewn, by various memorandums in his hand-writing, which, though, very short, and on subjects of no difficulty, abound in erasure and corrections. One, in particular, relating to the question, whether Major Doveton should be allowed to accompany the hostage princes, on their return from Madras, is nearly unintelligible, in consequence of the interlineations which disfigure, and the general confusion of ideas and dates which pervades it.'

From these Memoirs, which appear to have been written in order to furnish to his Majesty's royal successors, a perfect model of a sovereign and hero, the editor has drawn a number of extracts, which prove, at least, that no two persons ever differed more widely in opinion concerning the talents of the Sultan, than Col. Kirkpatrick and the writer of the memoirs. According to this writer, the most portentous and direful spectacle that ever appeared to human eyes, was the bauner of Sultan Tippoo, as seer by the Mahrattabs and Nazarenes.'

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The most prominent characteristic displayed in these letters, is a total abdication of all morality. This illustrious personage made not the least scruple, as his editor observes, to avow the most flagitious principles to his generals and ministers, and frequently to found his orders to them on those principles. With perfect coolness he directs them to practice the basest forms of falshood, treachery, or cruelty; and it is in the point of fertility of villainous expedients, that he comes nearest to redeeming himself from the Colonel's imputation of want of talent. He really shines out a genius on this side.

Zealous Mahometanism is another strong feature. He displays an active unremitting hatred, or, as he himself ex

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presses it, a zeal boiling over,' against all dissentients from the church of the prophet, whether pagan idolaters or Nazarenes-but especially the latter, to whom he never alludes without some genuine cordial expression of rancour. He valued himself highly on having formed a corps of proselytes to the faith, some of them made so by tempting promises, and some by threats and actual violence. In his memoirs he relates with great exultation, the origin of this division of his army, which was first formed of the most serviceable portion of 60,000 Christians whom he laid a successful plan to seize, all in one hour, men, women, and children, when assembled in their places of worship, in the country about Goa, and of whom the greatest number commuted their religion probably for their lives. His self-applause, however, does not, here or elsewhere, put out his devotion. The previous capture of a town which facilitated the execution of this plan, was by the divine favour, and through the aid of the asylum of prophecy, [Mahomet] and with the help of the conquering lion of God, [the Caliph Ali].'

Of all his opponents the English were the objects of his extremest hatred; and in his earnestness to destroy them, he was capable of foregoing, in a considerable degree, his resentments and revenge against the rest. Their total extermination, for effecting which any and all means were accounted right, is proved by these letters to have been the grand object of his life, an object that stimulated him so fiercely, as to deprive him of much of the caution which. he should have observed with respect to the avowal. The Colonel does not assert, that the knowledge of these declarations of his intention had come to the English government, to assist their interpretation of the hostile symptoms which drew the rapid assault, under which both the inonarch and his kingdom perished.

The editor, in censuring his hero's parsimonions economy with regard to the appointments and emoluments of his officers, has, rather unaccountably, declined the opportunity of celebrating the splendid contrast furnished by the rival government; which, in detestation of such vile thrift, chose to run up a generous and magnificent debt of many millions, to be ultimately laid on the labour of the people of England. We may be allowed to doubt, whether, if the Sultan had possessed the same resource, he would have been so guilty as, we confess he appears to have been, of that meanest and most hateful vice of governors, the being economical in the expenditure of the public money. But even situated as he was, we had the greatest difficulty in restraining our indignation against him, on find

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