was made to feel that the welfare of the province was subordinate to the interests of the Imperial Government, and that he formed but a fraction of the immense structure beneath which Napoleon had crushed the liberties of Europe. When that structure began to totter, the governor of the little out-work on the Rhine was one of the first to perceive the altered temper of the German nation, and the eagerness with which, after Essling, they watched every sign of its approaching dissolution. After the battles of Lutzen and Bautzen, and during the armistice of Prague, the Emperor himself passed a few days at Mayence and ordered Beugnot to join him there. The account of that interview is extremely graphic.

replied that his Majesty could not expect a parcel of German clod-poles to fight like the elite of the French guards of honour. After some further discussion the Emperor gave up the second light regiment I was to furnish, and said he had rather impose on the country the re-organization of a good Polish legion which would not desert. I replied that I hoped the expense would not exceed that of the regiment. To which the Emperor replied, "I must have troops, and formed troops. Manage it as you like. The time for calculating so closely is past." The Emperor then dictated letters to me for two or three hours, and so many decrees that it would take the whole night to engross them. All this time he was walking up and down in his cabinet, dictating with great rapidity. He stopped a moment at the first word of the sentence, and then threw off the whole in a breath, which rendered it almost impossible to follow him."

'I found the Emperor as firm and prompt as ever, but he was not at his ease in conversation, and he evidently thought he had a part to play. The art of the Emperor's secretaries conOn the very first day he gave me a long account sisted in seizing his meaning as well as they of his forces of all arms. Whenever he made an could, retaining if possible any characterisassertion in the course of his harangue, which tic expression, but putting the whole in might try my credulity, he watched me closely their own words. He scarcely read the pato observe the effect of his statements. Thus, pers over when they were brought to him when he said that the King of Denmark was to sign, and only complained that they were giving him 40,000 horses, with which he should have the most formidable cavalry in Europe, I written with, too broad a margin. He inmade, without intending it, I must confess, a sisted on not having any. After some little gesture of impatience, from which he inferred time Beugnot took an opportunity to urge that I had no great reliance on his formidable the Emperor to grant to the inhabitants of cavalry. He grew angry. "You are one of the Duchy some relaxation of the state those wiseacres," he broke out, "who are cock-monopoly of tobacco, which had been imsure of everything. You say, after Frederic, posed on them by France. that seven years are required to make a trooper. I tell you, that with good officers, regiments of 'When I had told my story, his Majesty recavalry are formed as soon as others. Put the plied, "It is inconceivable that you have not men on horseback and they stick there. That discovered the motive which makes me persist is all the secret. Look at my guards of honour! in maintaining the tobacco monopoly in the Nothing can surpass them for courage and in- Duchy? It is not the affair of your Duchy, telligence. They are admirable cavalry; have but of France. I know very well you gain we been seven years forming them?" The nothing by it-perhaps you may lose; but conversation turned on the recent levies of what does that signify, if it is to the advantage Austria and Bavaria. I took the liberty of re- of France? Know then that in every country marking that they were very strong, and I ex-in which the sale of tobacco is restricted by the pressed some doubt of the political views of those Powers. The Emperor pooh-poohed my doubts, but without irritation. I inferred from the manner he spoke of it, that the same idea had

State, and which borders on a country where
the sale is free, you must reckon on a continent-
al infiltration by smuggling for seven or eight
leagues from the frontier. It is from that I
infiltration as you can.
want to protect France: you must prevent this
I keep it at eight
leagues from my frontiers. As matters now
are, I can reckon on the returns of the left bank
of the Rhine as much as on those of the interior
of France. That is what I wanted. Guess
then if I am going to sacrifice the interests of
France to your convenience."'

more than once crossed his own mind. "I
dont know," said he, "against whom these ex-
cessive levies of men are intended, by Austria
especially. If this goes on, who is to stop?
There will be none but women left in Europe
to till the ground. I have an army as good as
ever,and 400,000 strong. That is enough to right
myself in the North. I shall not think of doub-
ling it, though nothing would be more easy.'
I held my tongue, and acquiesced in everything
Within the next few days the intelligence
his Majesty was pleased to wish me to believe.
When he thought he had convinced me, he of the defection of Bavaria and the more
talked of the affairs of the Grand Duchy. He than equivocal attitude of Austria reached
complained of the local troops, said they cost a the Imperial Court. Napoleon said no
great deal, and deserted the next morning. I more of the 40,000 horses from Denmark

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and of his prodigious reinforcements. But | Count de St. Priest, a French émigré who one day when Beugnot through inadver- commanded the division of the Russian tence took his master's chair in the imperi- army which occupied Dusseldorf. al closet, and even took it more than once, On the left bank of the Rhine the authorNapoleon said to him, in a tone of expostu- ity of France was still unshaken, and the lation rather than anger, You will sit in my Prefect of Aix-la-Chapelle would not beplace, I see; you choose your time ill.' Beug-lieve that the allied armies could ever vennot had the courage to persist in the representations he had already made in favour of the inhabitants of the Duchy, and he added that after all this was but a small concession to make, in order to give greater security to the rear of the French armies.


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ture to cross that barrier. Six leagues from that city lay Marshal Macdonald at the head of what was called his army. Beugnot was ordered to go to his headquarters and report on his troops. That,' said the Marshal, 'is soon done. The personnel of my army consists of myself, here present, and of the chief of my staff, General Gruneller: as to the materiel, that consists of four straw-chairs and a deal table. This is what they call at Paris the army of Marshal Macdonald.' On his return to Paris with this discouraging report, Beugnot had an audience of the Emperor, who still talked of preserving all that he possess ed in Germany - his 100,000 men on the Elbe- and his determination to fall on the rear of the allies, and if they dared to cross the Rhine- -vous verriez une belle débâcle.' For the present, however, he ordered Beugnot to proceed to Lille in a position not sensibly differing from that of a Prefect. The order was insulting to a man of Beugnot's official rank, and he remonstrated accordingly. The Emperor replied in his usual style :

"At such a time," I said, "the public opinion of a country should be taken into consideration." "I understand you," rejoined the Emperor, looking at me with animation, "you advise me to make concessions, and to show great respect for public opinion; those are the big phrases of the school to which you belong." "Sire, I am of no school but that of the Emperor." "That is a way of speaking, nothing You are of the school of the ideologues, like Regnault, like Roederer, Louis, and Fontanes-no, not Fontanes, I am wrong, he belongs to another set of fools. Do you suppose I do not catch your meaning, through all the disguises in which you mask it? You are one of those who sigh for the liberty of the press, the liberty of the tribune, and who believe in the omnipotence of public opinion. Well then! I will tell you my last word!" Then putting his right hand on the hilt of his sword, he added, "As long as this sword hangs by my side, and may it long hang there, you shall have none of the liberties you are sighing for, not even that, Monsieur Beugnot, of making a fine speech of your own in the tribune." Minister or not, I have not time to think "But, sire, what enemy has traduced me to about that, and if I send you anywhere as a this extent in the eyes of the Emperor?" sous-prefet your duty is to go." "No doubt, "No one; but I know you, and I know you Sire, but a man who has filled a high office better than you know yourself. You will bring cannot go to a lesser office without an air of those papers to me at the cabinet this evening." disgrace, for-." "To the point, I am in a I was dismissed, but I received the same even-hurry. You must go to Lille, Duplantier is ing an order to attend the following day at ten, and to remain at home where I could be found. My audience on the following day was postponed till four, and when I arrived at that hour, I was informed by the Chamberlain of the day that his Majesty was getting into his carriage to leave Mayence.' (Vol. ii. p. 19.).

Before many months had elapsed the sinister presentiments of M. Beugnot were fulfilled. Leipzig followed Dresden. The French troops in disorder retraced the great road of Germany which had so often led them to victory. The enemy pressed upon their rear, and very shortly nothing remained for the French Minister who was governing the Grand Duchy of Berg, but to pack up his papers, recross the Rhine, and leave his last dinner to be eaten by the

"What do you mean? Whosoever serves me must serve as it suits me, and where it suits


killing himself in my service there, which is no
good to him or to me either. That department
of the North is one of the gates of France, and
you will have plenty to do there."
peror may rely on my zeal, but may I ask with
what title I am to present myself in that depart-


"The Em

"Really, Monsieur Beugnot, you presume." "I beg the Emperor's pardon." "Is this a time for titles? Go there as Préfet, as Minister, as Emperor if you dare. How can you talk to me of such nonsense, when my head is on fire from morning till night? Your Macdonald does nothing, prevents nothing. Clouds of Cossacks are ravaging the Rhine de partments. I have to organise the defence of the whole country, and with what? At such a moment I place one of the keys of France in your pocket, and you talk to me of titles! It is time enough to talk of that when you have nothing else to do. They told me you were a man of sense, but you don't show it. Start at

the latest to-morrow morning. Correspond horrors of invasion. The roads were with my ministers, or write to me direct if there is any important reason. Good morning, Count Beugnot, a pleasant journey to you!

And that was Count Beugnot's last conversation with Napoleon Bonaparte. His mission to Lille was of course abortive. All he could do was to prepare the place against a siege by the Russian army, and while he was still at his post he received a note from his old friend Dupont de Nemours in the following terms:

Take care of yourself. The last barrier is broken down; the allies will enter Paris tonight or to-morrow.'

Nothing remained for the luckless Minister but to effect his escape in disguise. At Amiens he saw for the first time the white cockade. At Chantilly the people were cheering the Provisional Government and the House of Bourbon. At St. Denis the Cossacks were burning stacks and collecting forage. And that was the end of the First Empire.

blocked by troops or broken up by the recent military operations. Half France was in the hands of the enemy. The whole administrative machinery of the Empire was shattered to pieces. It deserves to be remembered to the immortal honour of Count Beugnot, that he was the man who, almost alone and unaided, faced these difficulties, and restored something like order in the kingdom. He entered the service of the Bourbons without prejudices or passion; he exercised the power confided to him without resentment; and it would have been well for the Court if they had had the wisdom to confide more implicitly in his patriotism and good sense. His evidence, therefore, on the true character of the First Restoration is of the highest value, and it absolutely contradicts the opinions which have too often been accredited in France.

The enemies of the Bourbons have said and repeated, and they still repeat, that these Princes came back in 1814 in the baggage-waggons of the invader. So untrue is it that they came in that shameful guise, that the Duke of WelThe Emperor Napoleon had not alto- lington refused at Bordeaux to see the Duke gether misjudged M. Beugnot, when he of Angoulême, who had thrown himself into told him that he was one of the men who and when the magistrates of the town consultthat town with more spirit than discretion; were sighing in their hearts for a more lib-ed the English General as to the conduct they eral form of Government. He had served the Empire, without approving its despotic policy, or abandoning the principles of the Legislative Assembly; and he readily lent himself to the establishment of a more liberal form of government, when the sentatives of the nation first gathered round the throne of Louis XVI. M. de Talleyrand, the sinister genius of the Restoration, was his friend, and accordingly he transferred his allegiance without hesitation to the entresol of the Hôtel St. Florentin, which has witnessed so many of the most remarkable events of this century. * Talleyrand at once placed the Ministry of the Interior in his hands, and he was thus suddenly called upon to take a prominent and decided part in the restoration of Louis XVIII. to the throne.


The task was one of appalling difficulty. The air was infected by the exhalations of dead horses and dead bodies. The enormous supplies of food required for the Allied armies threatened to famish the people. The population was groaning under the

The small apartment of the Hotel St. Florentin Was the residence of Prince Talleyrand, and was afterwards occupied by Princess Lieven till her death. The Emperor Alexander of Russia lived, during his residence in Paris, on the first floor of the same hotel.

should adopt towards this prince, the Duke of
Wellington replied that he thought it would be
unwise to commit themselves with the Duke of
Angoulême whilst the allies were still negotiat-
ing at Chatillon with the ministers of Napo-
leon. At the same time Monsieur (the Comte
d'Artois) was timidly approaching some of the
Austrian commander than the local authori-
towns of Lorraine, more careful to avoid the
ties; he was far enough from invoking the for-
ces of the invader, and he would have done so
without success. He had taken refuge at Ve-
soul, where he was visited by a few gentlemen
of the country, and avoided by the greater
number. The Emperor of Russia declared in
a proclamation of the 31st March, that the Al-
lied Sovereigns would only recognize and guar-
antee a constitution given by the French nation
to itself; and in reply to a deputation of the
Senate on the 2d April, the same Prince said,
"It is just and wise to give to France strong
and liberal institutions in harmony with the
enlightened spirit of the age. The object of
my allies and of myself is to protect the liberty
of your decisions." It was only four days later
when the Senate, by its constitution, had re-
called Louis Xavier of France to the throne,
that the Bourbons were acknowledged. Till
then, although France was occupied by 200,000
foreign troops, their existence was hazardous
and obscure. And I am confident that if the
Senate had at that moment summoned to the
throne of France some other family than the


Bourbons, that family would have been accepted by Europe, not only without difficulty, but with satisfaction, so generally was the prediction believed that the Bourbons would have great difficulty in maintaining themselves in the country.' (Vol. ii. p. 99.)

M. Beugnot had had, we think, no previous acquaintance with any members of the Royal Family, and he had no prepossessions in their favonr. But the position he filled in the Provisional Government at the moment of the Restoration brought him into contact with the Comte d'Artois, and in spite of his own liberal views Beugnot had more personal regard for him than for Louis XVIII. The constant opposition which really existed between these two royal brothers originated in their characters, but it was strengthened by the whole course of their lives. It had divided the emigration at Coblenz; it divided the friends of the Restoration at Paris; and in spite of the superior abilities, tact, and judgment of the King, the most influential member of the Royalist party was his brother.

France: je la revois enfin ! et rien n'y est
changé, si ce n'est qu'il s'y trouve nos Fran-
cais de plus!'
Censor, and I give you my word that the
Capital,' said the great
Prince will believe in a day or two that he
really uttered them, and nobody will recol-
lect you had a hand in the matter.' The
bon mot has outlived not only the Prince,
but the dynasty; and as M. Beugnot lost
the honour of it in his lifetime, it is but fair
that it should now be restored to his mem-

The following anecdote of that pedantic priest, the Abbe de Pradt, Archbishop of Malines under the Empire, is so droll that we must make room for it :

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The day the Provisional Government was formed, the Archbishop of Malines called on that so important a structure should have been M. de Talleyrand, and expressed his surprise raised without reserving a place for him in it, and he asked the Prince with some ill humour what it was intended to do for him, as he clearly could not be left out. "Leave you out," exclaimed the Prince, "far from it. You can at On the 12th of April the Comte d'Ar- this moment render a most signal service. tois made his triumphal entry into Paris. Have you got a white pocket-handkerchief?" That was beyond a doubt the brightest day "But a very white one!". Certainly.". -"Let me see it then." of the Restoration. The enthusiasm of the Archbishop pulls out his handkerchief, Talleypeople was genuine. The crowds flocking rand takes it by one corner, and waves it franaround him arrested his passage from the tically in the air, shouting, "Vive le Roi." Barrière de Bondy to Notre Dame. To" You see what I am doing - now take your some one, who attempted to make way for handkerchief, do as I do-go down along the him, the Prince exclaimed, 'Laissez, Mon- Boulevard towards the Faubourg St. Antoine, sieur, laissez, j'arriverai toujours trop tôt.' waving the white standard crying, Vive le On his return to the Tuileries, Beugnot ex"But, Prince, you can't mean it. Just pressed a hope that he was not fatigued.' look at my dress. I am in my bishop's wigJust so, Fatigued? How should I be fatigued? my cross, my legion of honour." This is the only day of happiness I have ed. If you had not got them on, you would rejoined Talleyrand, "that is just what is wanthad for thirty years... But, after all, have had to fetch them. Cross, wig, powder, the brilliant impressions of the day were dress, all that will make a sensation, and it is over, and the mighty work was not com- a sensation we want." plete. There remains,' said M. de Talleyrand, the article to be written for the "Moniteur;" and, above all, what had the Prince himself said on so memorable an occasion?' Nobody could recollect. The probability is that beyond a few incoherent expressions of pleasure and of gratitude, he had said nothing at all. Then it was that Beugnot reached the culminating instant of his life. He tried it once. He tried it twice. M. de Talleyrand was not satisfied. At last M. Pasquier gave a fortunate hint, and at the third effort, Beugnot produced (out of his inner consciousness) those memorable words which appeared in the Moniteur the next morning, and have been ascribed to the Prince by an admiring posterity: Plus de divisions: la paix et la

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'It is hardly credible that M. de Pradt, a man not without talent and ability, should have fallen into such a trap. But off he went on Talleyrand's errand. At first he got on pretty well, though he was soon surrounded by a crowd of street blackguards, but when he reached the Boulevard Poissonière, the Archbishop fell upon a knot of Bonapartists, who soon charged him and sent him flying homewards. His flight was so rapid that he had to pocket the white standard and to rush through the mud. In this state he got back to the Rue St. Florentin, where he proceeded to relate with great emphasis his daring and his success. He had conquered a great part of the capital to the royal cause; he had been stopped at the Fanbourg Poissonière by obstacles which could only have yielded to a troop of horse; but he still showed in his retreat that he was alike unmoved by the eye of Bonaparte and by the tu

In such passa

mult of the populace, prava jubentium. All | name to the King of France. which M. de Talleyrand listened to with the ut-ges as these the King was really a great masmost coolness, and only said, "I told you that ter; and I had more than one opportunity of dressed as you are, you would make a sensation." (Vol. ii. p. 105.)

The sketches of the Comte d'Artois and the new-born royalist Court are extremely fresh and diverting, but we must leave them on one side to preserve a more sober por trait of the King, who shortly afterwards reached his capital. The entry of Louis XVIII. into Paris was less animated than that of his brother. The performance suffered by repetition, and the enthusiasm of the people had begun to evaporate. Above all, the chief actor was not the same. The Comte d'Artois was still the 'gay cavalier' of Versailles, graceful, excitable, and French in every gesture. Louis XVIII. was corpulent, infirm, and dignified. When it was proposed to put him on horseback, he contented himself with the remark, I tremble for the marshals who would have to support me.' And the sallies he frequently indulged in were more calculated to sting

than to soothe those about him.

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'Louis XVIII. maintained all the dignity of the throne amidst that mob of sovereigns who were then assembled in Paris, escorted by thousands of soldiers. Though he was himself unarmed and well nigh powerless, he was so full of the superiority of the King of France over all other kings, that even they were persuaded of it. The Emperor of Russia himself accept ed it. M. de Talleyrand had failed in an attempt to cause the Duke de Vicence, who was his friend, to be included in the peerage; but as the Emperor Alexander professed a particular regard for this personage, he undertook to ask Louis XVIII. for his advancement. His Imperial Majesty repaired to the Tuileries. The King received him most graciously, but without the least relaxation of his own dignity. Alexander was so taken aback, that he did not venture to ask for a thing likely to be refused him; he came back as he went, and candidly acknowledged the reason to M. de Talleyrand. Talleyrand told the Emperor that he was the only man in Paris who did not know his own power, and begged he would try again. This time the King had heard of the affair and was on his guard. The Emperor had not a chance. Louis XVIII. began by flattering generalities which melted Alexander, and he then touched on the melancholy position of a sovereign, af ter a revolution, who was not free either to grant or to refuse his favours. All this was said with such a tone of feeling and truth, that the Emperor was again taken in, and left the pal ace without alluding to the object of his visit. He thought it easier to offer Caulaincourt a great position in Russia, than to mention his

remarking that he was himself thoroughly persuaded that of all the sovereigns then in Paris, he was the only gentleman." (Vol. ii. p. 137.'

Not a year had elapsed since M. Beugnot was writing despatches under the dictation of Napoleon at Mayence. It now became his duty to attend Louis XVIII. as Minister of the Interior, and to take his commands on the urgent questions of the day. A greater contrast has rarely fallen under the observation of a states:nan.

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'I arrived on the 6th May to work with the which Monsieur had not chosen to decide, havKing. I brought him some important affairs, ing heard of his brother's speely arrival. I had recently had occasion to lay matters of state before Napoleon, and I adopted with the that is to King the same form of proceeding say, I had all the papers of each case carefully arranged, and I placed a précis before his Majesty stating the name of the parties, the observations upon it. I begged the King to nature of the question, its importance, and some look over the précis and tell me which paper he desired to take first. His Majesty, who had never seen or dreamt of anything of the kiud, asked me what I meant.

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'I had the maladresse to say that this was the way in which Napoleon transacted business, as he was very much pressed for time, and therefore chose the questions which appeared to be the most important. Very well, sir," said the King, "but as I shall always have as much time to give you as you may require, you may relinquish these modes of proceeding of Bonaparte. They are not to my taste. Begin at the beginning.'

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'How came you not to see, on the very first day, my dear colleague, that you bore the King to death? What is the use of making reports to him? You might as well make them to a saint in his niche. I just give him the ordinance to sign; he never refuses; while he is writing his name, which he does very slowly, I tell him what it is about. I don't bore him ; but he bores me, because his signature is everlasting.'

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