tinent; and M. THIERS's principle amounts to a return to the old principles and ideas of former régimes. Frenchmen are sorely tempted at present to adopt this line of thought. It has long been obvious to spectators that the military terrorism exercised by France must wane as her success in revolutionizing the Continent succeeded. When Italy accomplished her unity she founded her political independence; and as the Austrian frontier has receded in the Italian peninsula, French influence has receded in proportion. The same process has since taken place in Germany, as M. THIERS predicted three years ago would be the case. It is in vain for M. ROUHER, in despair, to urge that the German Confederation in past years was as menacing a danger upon the French frontier as the new military league which is starting into existence under the auspices of Prussia. For of self-defence the old Bund purposes may have been equal to its new substitute. For offence, however, it was useless; and so long as Germany was tripartite, she resembled a house divided against itself. M. THIERS is therefore right in maintaining that the battle of Sadowa has appreciably altered the situation of affairs; and even M. ROUHER, in a moment of candour, confessed during the debate that, for one moment after the defeat of BENEDEK, the Imperial Government itself experienced "a a patriotic qualm." If this be so, it is natural that France should be disposed to sympathize with M. THIERS when he asserts that France has blundered. Ten years ago, after the Crimean war-a war of which, with all the instinct of an Old World politician, M. THIERS heartily approves Europe, side by side with the French nation, seemed as weak as water. NAPOLEON III. held the destinies of the world within the hollow of his hands. Russia was paralysed, Austria terrified, Prussia feeble and inactive, and the French EMPEROR sat in the midst like EOLUS in the centre of his windy cave. Now everything has altered, and, if M. THIERS is correct, has altered for the worse. Italy, thanks to French intervention, has grown to maturity, and threat ens to illustrate in her policy the old maxim of the ingratitude of nations. The peace of Villafranca, for which NAPOLEON III. is responsible, led indirectly to the recent Prusso-Italian alliance, and the consequent humiliation and defeat of Austria in Germany. Prussia, victorious and swollen with territorial annexations, is at the head of thirty millions of Germans. Lastly, roused into activity at the sight, and spirited to ac tion by the changed conditions of Prussia and Austria, Russia is once more manœuvring among the Christian subjects of the Porte, and stretching her arm towards Constantinople. Meanwhile France has exhausted her purse and fatigued her army in distant and fruitless military expeditions to Mexico and Rome. Her rulers have not had the nerve to arrest betimes the unwelcome progress of events. The friendship of Russia they forfeited by a chimerical agitation in favour of Polish revolution. They might, it is added, had they not thought themselves pledged to the doctrine of nationalities, have stayed the ambitious course of Prussia by an interference, in concert with the English people, on behalf of the Duchies of the Elbe. They did not even cast the sword of France into the scale when the fate of Austria was weighed last summer in the balance. The result is that France is nowhere. In the words of M. THIERS, "il n'y a plus une seule faute à commettre." The French Government is in this curious dilemma, that it cannot answer this cogent argument without appearing to confess that the vast scheme introduced by the French EMPEROR for turning the whole able-bodied population into an armed militia is uncalled for. M. JULES FAVRE, with the eye of a lawyer, saw this weakness in the Ministerial position, and drove his spear into the opening of the joint. De deux choses l'une. Either France is not in imminent peril or she is. If she is, who brought the calamity upon her? If she is not, why all these armaments, and these evident preparations for a coming contest? To this M. ROUHER had really no answer ready. Nor was his language by any means as reassuring or as pacific as was necessary for the maintenance of his theory that France had remained unshaken by the altered equilibrium of Germany. He asserted indeed that the relations between France and the Cabinet of St. Petersburg never had been more friendly. But he went on in a tone of veiled menace to add that Russia must abstain from those very ideas of ambition the mere rumour of which has been agitating political circles, both in London and in Paris, for the last few months. In like manner he professed the most utopian wishes for the welfare and happiness of Prussia. But he added, with an air of mystery, that Count BISMARK must not turn his thoughts towards the Zuyder Zee. It is difficult to decide whether this sort of tone is more soothing or alarming. It certainly is not an answer to M. THIERS. The Minister's reply to the language which he does not care to speak.ad averment that matters might have happened He looks on all ambitious schemes of foreign differently had the Imperial Government policy with the sceptical eye that Mr. LOWE acted with greater force and promptitude, directs in England towards the doctrines of when stripped of its oratorical ornaments, flesh-and-blood Reform. The cheers he is very simple. As far as M. THIERS is elicits and the sensation he creates are sigconcerned, who on a famous occasion nificant and full of warning. They show adopted the same reasoning when he was that the French Chamber and the French Minister himself, it is a fair specimen of the nation are deeply affected by what he says. argumentum ad hominem. GOD is great, So much might have been expected; but it says M. ROUHER, and the current of events is indeed a subject of anxiety when we findent has been irresistible. The French Foreign Imperial Ministers themselves a prey to the Office could not fight against it. The agitation which they pretend in public too stream carried France along with it, and it repudiate. is not a crime to have been washed away. So far from every single fault having been committed which ingenuity could commit, there has been no fault at all. The increase of Germany has been the will of ALLAH. This is a remarkable defence in the mouth of a prudent French Minister. One may be allowed to wonder what Germany will think of it. Count BISMARK will scarcely deserve the character he has acquired for shrewdness if he is not as much forewarned as flattered by the free and homely bluntness of the spokesman of the Cabinet of the Tuileries. If the statement of M. ROUHER does not prove that the Empire has been wise in its diplomacy, it suggests to the plainest understanding the reason why the Empire is about to arm. Natural as is the feeling of dissatisfaction at the rise of Prussia which France exhibits no less than M. THIERS, it cannot be viewed with other than very melancholy misgivings by all lovers of European peace. It has often been said, and with considerable truth, that the tranquillity of the continent cannot be secured if the nation is ill content. That discontent prevails among ordinary French politicians is obvious from the temper with which the diatribe of M. THIERS was received. It is no use pausing to argue that the principles put forward by him are selfish and interested. Of course they are, and M. THIERS does not hesitate to acknowledge it. We sometimes hear English statesmen taking a feeble credit to themselves for refusing to look at foreign politics from any except a purely British standpoint. An exact parallel may now be seen, on the opposite side of the Channel, in M. THIERS. To all theories about the interest of peoples and the rights of nationalities he has one convincing answer mon pays. The patriotic point of view is the only one that he consents to recognise. To tell him that he ought to be a cosmopolite, and not merely a Frenchman, is to talk to him in a - Paime And the attitude of M. ROUHER, reassur ing though it is designed to be, is above allo things an admirable specimen of the real follyb of which the French Government during hist the last twelve months has been guilty. Ituve has vacillated between action and inaction. If it had boldly intervened to prevent the march of Prussia and the "agglomeration of Germany, it might have marred or ad-car journed a great reform, but it would at all! events have acted upon a consistent and o intelligible plan. From so trenchant and, let us add, so unprincipled a move, the EMPEROR was preserved by his caution, his reason, and perhaps his conscience. But if he did not do this, the only statesmanlike course left was to accept heartily and freely the events which he had not the power or the will to avert. We fear that this has not been done. France remained in the condition which always makes France dangerous -silent, but agitated and uneasy. She would not forbid Prussia's success, but she would not sympathize with it. M. ROUHER could not bring himself last week to sympathize with it, even for the sake of winning a debater's victory over M. THIERS. The proffer of an English-French alliance so kindly held out to us by M. THIERS and M. ROUHER with both hands must, accordingly, be estimated at its true worth. Before entering on enterprises of great pith and moment, England will probably insist upon understanding for whom she is expected to pull the chestnuts out of the fire, and whether the balance of power in Ger many and the restoration of a French heg emony on the Continent is a matter in which she has as keen an interest as others that might be named. In many ways the French are a noble people. They cannot at present show their nobility better than by ceasing to repine at the altered fortunes of their neighbors, and by consigning the theories of M. THIERS to the library shelves appropriated to select morsels of perilous and seductive eloquence. No. 1195. Fourth Series, No. 56. 27 April, 1867. CONTENTS. "Out of Charity," in a separate form, is nearly ready for publication. FOR EIGHT DOLLARS, remitted directly to the Publishers, the Living Age will be punctually forwarded a commission for forwarding the money. Price of the First Series, in Cloth, 36 volumes, 90 dollars. 194 A LETTER NEVER SENT. THE WEDDING RING. I kneel and pray that Heaven may bless and Love of my life! to Heaven's care I confide Blackwood's Magazine. THE WEDDING RING. I CLIMBED the hill, and looked around: So fair, so far, so boundless all, My spirit was oppressed; THE BEST WAY TO MAKE COFFEE. Coffee may be prepared in three different manners, either by filtration, by infusion, or by decoction. Infusion, according to Liebig, often produces, though not always the case, good coffee. When the operation is performed, viz., when the boiling water is poured slowly upon the powdered coffee, the drops become impregnated with a large quantity of air, oxygen having by this sufficient time to dilute the aromatic qualities, and even destroy them entirely. It is therefore necessary in such a case to make use of an air-tight vessel. By filtration the water dissolves but 7 to 10 per cent. of matter instead of 20 to 21 per cent. of the berry, and the loss consequently rises from 10 to 13 per cent. The infusion is produced by boiling water and throwing into it coffee which has been ground, immediately removing the vessel containing it from the fire and allowing it to settle for five or six minutes. This method gives a light-coloured Decoction. This but very aromatic coffee. manner is principally used in the East. It produces, according to Liebig, an exquisite beverage. The pulverized coffee is thrown into cold water, and the whole is placed upon the fire until it begins to boil. The coffee which floats at the top is then drunk with the prepared liquid. Many persons would certainly not like to see their cup filled with the brown deposit of the powdered coffee; we, therefore, prefer the following method, which is at the same time an infusion and a decoction:- Take the same proportion of coffee and water as you are accustomed to use, and, which depends entirely upon the taste of the customer, but 15 grams. of coffee will produce two cups of moderate strength. The berries ought to be ground just My glance roamed round, now here, now there, before being used. Divide the powdered coffee And knew not where to rest. into two parts, then throw about three parts of it into cold water, and let it boil for ten minutes; then throw in the small remaining quantity and raise it immediately from the fire, cover it and allow it to settle for about fifteen minutes when it will be ready for use. The liquid may be quickly strained through muslin, if the small quantity of powder floating at the top is objected to. Coffee thus prepared ought to be of a bright brown colour, but not black. It is always thick, like chocolate, when mixed with water. The thickness of the liquid does not proceed from the small quantity of coffee which floats at the top, but from a fatty matter analagous to butter, of which powdered coffee contains about 12 per cent. of its weight. This is the best method for obtaining good aromatic coffee. Experimentalists sometimes do not succeed, but they may be certain that they will not fail in proving the truth of Baron Liebig's assertions.-M. de Parville in the Constitution nel. : From the Saturday Review. THE EASTERN QUESTION. ONE more step has been taken to the demolition of the Ottoman Empire, by the compulsory evacuation of Belgrade. The Turkish flag is, under the new arrangenent, to be still hoisted on the fortress, but there is little to regret in the certainty that it will not float there long. The provincial independence which existed under the shadow of medieval dynasties is too exceptional to survive in modern Europe. Erance and Germany formerly contained counties and dukedoms which were connected with the Crown only by an elastic bond of feudal allegiance. In one kingdom the great fiefs were successively annexed, while the German King became, by an opposite process, the nominal head of a lax Confederation. The SULTAN has long been undergoing the gradual dissolution which proved fatal to the power of his former Imperial neighbour; and he suffers an additional disadvantage in the hostile feeling of his vassals, and in the intriguing and encroaching policy of their foreign protector. For internal enemies he would, with the aid of his Mahometan subjects, still be more than a match; but it is more difficult to counteract the ambitious projects of Russia since instigation of rebels has been substituted for periodical invasions. The Cretans are likely to succeed in their enterprise, and the withdrawal of the Turkish garrisons from Servia, though it involves no material loss, is a confession of diplomatic weakness. Belgrade, which was formerly important as a defence against Austria, has for many years served only as a boundary-stone to remind Europe that the Turkish frontier had not yet receded. The force which it contained might ostensibly be designed to take a Servian insurrection in the rear, but pratically it would only have provided an enemy with hostages who could scarcely have effected their escape. The evacuation proves, not that Russia cultivates disaffection in Servia, but that Austria, after long resistance, has succumbed to Russian pressure. ALEXANDER I. and NICHOLAS, with good reason, regarded Prince METTERNICH as their most irreconcilable enemy; and Prince SCHWARZENBURG, after accepting Russian assistance against Hungary, uttered a threat of gigantic ingratitude which was fully performed by his successors in 1855 and 1856. For more than fifty years Austria has been the ally and protector of Turkey, and the change of system which is indicated by the concurrence of the Austrian Government in the demand of concessions to Servia and Crete is a political revolution. The The capacity of Baron BEUST will be tested by the final result of combinations which at present apppear to be bold, consistent and comprehensive. All the recent measures of the Austrian Government are inspired by a determination to prepare for a decisive struggle by removing, at any cost which may be necessary for the purpose, all domestic and foreign embarrassments. Constitutional King of HUNGARY has entered his capital in the midst of plaudits which had, in all the previous course of his reign, never been accorded to the chief of the Austrian Empire. The Diet has almost unanimously voted a large contingent to the army; and unless new difficulties intervene, the whole power of a warlike kingdom will be disposable for a future German campaign. Baron BEUST judiciously abstained from accompanying his Sovereign to Pesth, lest it might be suspected that the head of the Vienna Cabinet interfered with the counsels of the responsible Hungarian Ministers. Experience will prove hereafter whether it is possible for a modern ruler to govern two independent kingdoms; but for the present, the recognition of Hungarian rights, if it has dislocated the Empire, at least secures to Austria a powerful and loyal ally. If the Western provinces can be conciliated with equal success, the recovery of an independent position will perhaps allow the Austrian Government to resume its traditional policy of protecting Turkey; but in the meantime Baron BEUST has thought it prudent to become the ally and instrument of Russia. The Russian sympathy for oppressed compatriots and co-religionists in neighbouring countries, which has so often disturbed the tranquillity of Turkey, has lately been extended to some of the Austrian provinces. The benevolent solicitude of the Russian Government was especially directed to the relief of any political and religious grievances which might be felt by the mixed population of Galicia. As Count BELCREDI and his colleagues had courted and favoured the Poles, Russian priests and political agents cultivated the discontent of the Ruthenian peasantry, and there was reason to fear that in time of war an Eastern rebellion might be stirred up while the attention of Austria was absorbed by the necessities of a Western struggle. The unscrupulous diplomacy of Russia has been rewarded by perfect success in the object which probably formed the motive of the agitation in Galicia. Baron BEUST, surren |