pleafantry, and a few pointed remarks; though it fhould be obferved that the railers at modern comedy have too often condemned the fentiment, while, in fervile imitation of Congreve, they have attempted repartee and witticifm.. C.

Advice to the Unwary, or an Abstract of certain penal Lars now in Force against fmuggling in general, and the Adulteration of Teas, with fome Remarks very necessary to be read by all Perfons, that they may not run themselves into Difficulties, or incur Penalties therefrom. Cox and Robinson.

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The title of this little piece is fo full that were it not for the great importance of its contents, and the well known fallacioufnefs of titles in general, we should have been fatisfied with fubje&ting it alone to the inspection of our readers. Here we find two tables ftating the quantity of tea imported by our East India Company, and the other nations of Europe for a series of years; and from them we learn that in 1769 the reft of Europe imported from China five millions and a half of pounds of tea, and in 1777 above fixteen millions, and that our rivals and enemies the French encreased their importations in that time from less than one million to above fix millions, having in 1769 employed one China fhip, and in 1777 nine. The Company's fales in the fame period funk about one half, though the confumption in the British dominions has been and is now on the encreafe. The inference is obvious, Foreigners, and particularly the French, have by fmuggling engroffed the trade to the great injury of the revenue, which in this article alone fuftains a loss of a million and a half, Befides this alarming circumftance the fale of our rums and fugars is impeded by the vast quantities of gin poured in upon us from various quarters, the Dutch diftilling annually about four millions of gallons, the French about two millions and a half, and the Swedes no inconfiderable quantity. Most of this bafe fpirit is imported into Great Britain and Ireland, to the great detriment of the customs and excife, as well as of the health of his Majefty's fubjects, who are thus encouraged in drunkenness and debauchery, and raife the poor-rates to an enormous degree. The people of Guernsey employ about twelve fhips in finuggling rum and fugar from the Danes; and all claffes of tea-dealers adulterate that commodity by mixing with it the leaves of floes, Dd



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afh, elder and other ingredients, coloured with terra japonica, logwood, copperas, and fuch pernicious drugs. From all thefe wicked practifes, it is here computed that the nation' lofes annually about two millions and a half in revenue. Suppofe the lofs to be but one half of this fum, is not every good citizen called upon to check fo alarming an evil, by giving every aid in his power to the late act for the prevention of fmuggling, which enables the feller of fmuggled goods to become the informer, and which has excited af fociations throughout the kingdom to offer rewards to all informers. For our part, we deem the matter of such serious confequence that we recommend it to the confideration of the next county meetings as an affair, which if properly managed, may prove infinitely more advantageous to the nation than any poffible reduction of the civil lift. Both fchemes are certainly laudable; but of the two, the one now under our eye is the most effential, as it will neceffarily diftrefs our enemies, while it relieves ourselves; and the reduction of the civil lift will diftrefs the miniftry no more than the oppofition,

A Letter to the Whigs. Almon,

A fpirited well-written pamphlet. But we cannot recommend it for any novelty of obfervation. Indeed the fubject is fo common complaining of the undue influence of the crown and corruption, that we know not how it could be otherwife.

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We cannot help expreffing our difpleasure at his addreffing it to the Whigs; by reafon it feems with a defire to raise thofe obnoxious party names of Whig and Tory, Nothing is more deftructive of national welfare than when its inhabitants are ranged under the banners of two oppofing parties, which oftentimes is merely nominal. There have ny who have profeffed themfelves Whigs, and knew not what the term meant; fo that they might have been Tories in their hearts, and, in this manner, were Tories in name as often as Whigs in reality.

We extract as follows, because it contains, what he thinks will relieve us from our diftreffes.

"Before I fay any more, I must intreat the indulgence of my readers; I am confcious that as a writer I am incorrect, unconnected, and diffufe; but I hope that upon the whole I fhall be found

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found to have said something to the purpofe. If I am mistaken, it is only my toil and labour loft, a fhilling fpent, and the letter thrown into the fire. I am not fond of fcurrility and abuse, nor is it from any malignity in my difpofition that I find fault with the meafures or minifters; I will even admit, if they defire it, that with the best intentions in the world they have been guilty of the greatest errors. But I do infift upon it, that if this country had, for many years past, been governed by the worst men in it, we could not have been reduced to a more calamitous fituation; what then does it fignify to the nation whether we have been ruined by an error or a crime? whether by determined malice, or the influence of the moon? But I addrefs myself to thofe who ftill retain their senses or their honour; and I ask them, whether an immediate reformation in our whole fyftem of government be not neceffary! I ask them, if they will concur in the means neceffary for fuch a purpofe? I will propofe fuch as I think adequate; and I promise to adopt any that shall appear more effectual, let who will offer them. There is only one mode that occurs to me of ftriking at the root of corruption, and that is to obtain a free Parliament; and there appears to me no poffibility of obtaining a free Parliament, but by multiplying the county members in fuch a manner as that they may exceed the borough-mongers, the Scotch, and all the venal and courtly part of the House of Commons. Till this is done no liberal or popular vote will ever be paffed; and I appeal to every honeft man in the kingdom, whether he thinks he can be injured by fuch a measure? Neither the rights of the King, nor thofe of the Peerage, nor those of the Commons, can be affected by it; it is nothing more than a falutary provifion against a flagrant abufe-What then fhall we do to -bring it about, fhould the expediency of the measure be admitted? The means are obvious, and very practicable. Let us convene in our feveral counties. Let us propofe, and candidly debate upon the measure, if thought expedient. Let us petition the Crown and both houfes of Parliament, that every county may be permitted to send as many members of Parliament as they please, the numbers of each to be proportioned by the land-tax; and the .county of York, as being the largeft, to fend ten members for inftance, or as many as may give the found part of the House a fuperiority over the corrupt. Should our petitions be rejected (which we hope will not be the cafe) it will be evident that there is a defign in fome one part of the legislature to affume and reserve to themselves an unconftitutional power, which we have a right to question, and by all lawful means to oppofe: I would therefore advise the counties in fuch a cafe to send no members at all; the confequence of which will be, that, not being represented, they need not pay the land-tax, or indeed any tax at all: but in cafe of extremities, and to avoid anarchy, it may be neceffary, if the worst happens, that each county fhould elect their own members (with or without a writ does not fignify fix-pence) and then wait upon them in a body to the door of St. Stephen's Chapel. I



question whether any man will be found bold enough to shut that door, or to turn them out after they have taken their feats. These gentlemen, though of independent fortunes and unquestionable integrity, must not be trufted too far, because they are men, and not angels; they must therefore bind themfelves to fit for one year, and no longer; and to accept of neither bribe, place, nor penfion. Under these restrictions a knave cannot betray his coun try with impunity; and an honest man may be sure of representing his conitituents from year to year as long as he lives.

A Defence of the Act of Parliament lately paffed for the Relief of the Roman Catholics. Containing a true State of the Laws now in Force against Popery. In Anfwer to a Pamphlet, entitled An Appeal from the Proteftant Affociation to the People of Great Britain, Sc. In a Letter to a Friend. By a Proteftant. 8vo. 6d. Johnfon.

In an advertisement prefixed to this Letter, our author apologizes for the feverity of his animadverfions on the Appeal, in the following manner.

The author of the following pages, finding the Appeal unauthenticated by any fignatures, either of the prefident, fecretary, or members of the Proteftant Affociation, thought himself juftifi ed in confidering it as an anonymous publication. He has accordingly treated it with a lefs degree of ceremony than he might have ufed, had the author or authors appeared: he hopes, however, that the candid and judicious will be of opinion, that he has not tranfgreffed the bounds of decency and good manners, or Thewn greater refentment than the occafion demanded."

In confidering the Appeal, our author freely owns, that upon the moft attentive and candid perufal of it, he cannot help being of opinion,


1. That the author's idea of toleration is throughout so exceedingly defective, as by no means to deferve the name.

66 2. That his objections to the act for relief of the Roman Catholics are principally founded upon an entire misapprehenfion of its nature; and therefore,

"3. That he and his affociates, in their endeavours to raise a ferment in the nation, and to excite mutual animofities amongst the inhabitants of thefe kingdoms, fo far from deferving to be confidered as guardians of the conftitution, are in fact, whether they know it or not, abettors of perfecution, and enemies of civil and religious freedom."

To prove each of the above particulars, evidence is produced from the pamphlet itself. The reasoning is clear. In


this production we perceive marks of a liberal and fenfible writer. We fhall difinifs this Letter with an extract of the concluding paragraph.

"With regard to the Proteftant affociation, as its members are all equally ftrangers to me," fays the author, "I can have no perfonal enmity to any one of them. Whether this pamphlet be their general offspring I cannot determine: I hope for their credit it is an impofition upon the public. If fo, they will certainly take care to difavow it. If it be theirs, I freely give my opinion that it does them no honour: its file is contemptible, its reafoning futile, its object malicious. May it meet the disapprobation of every honest mind-may the defigns of cruelty and bigotry be defeated and may pure and equal liberty be fpeedily extended and perpetually preferyed to the whole world."


An Appeal from the Proteftant Affociation to the People of GreatBritain concerning the probable Tendency of the late Act of Parliament in favour of the Papifis. 8vo. 6d. Dodfley, &c.

In confequence of the lenity fhewn by government to the Papifts by a late act of parliament this pamphlet makes its public appearance. It confifts of an introduction, four fections, and a conclufion.

The firft fection, comprehends. "Thoughts on tolera tion, and how far it is confiftent with our civil conftitution, and the prefervation of the Proteftant religion, to extend it to the Papifts." The fecond, A view of the principal laws that were in force against the Papifts before they were altered by the late act of Parliament, and of the fpirit in which they were executed." The third, "Confiderations on the late act of Parliament, and the alterations made thereby in the penal laws against the Papifts." The fourth, "Obfervations on the manner in which the late act was obtained; on the principal arguments in its favour, and on the fatal confequences which will moft probably refult from it. And the conclufion, "The abfolute neceffity of an application to Parliament for redress, and the conftitutional mode of obtaining it."

The pamphlet before us breathes an intolerant fpirit, and is replete with fire and fury. Perfecution, which it fo violently condemns in the Papifts, is here ftrongly recommended, though it is pretended to be on Chriftian principles. Notwithstanding this affertion, we are no partizans of the


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