pleasantry, and a few pointed remarks ; though it should be observed that the railers at modern comedy have too often condemned the sentiment, while, in fervile imitation of Congreve, they have attempted repartee and witticism. ; C.

Advice to the Unuary, or an Abstra£t of certain penal Laus now

in Force against smuggling in general, and the Adulteration of Teas, with fome Remarks very necessary to be read by all Perfons, that they may not run themselves into Difficulties, or incur Penalties therefrom. Cox and Robinson.

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The title of this little piece is so full that were it not for the great importance of its contents, and the well known fallaciousness of titles in general, we should have been fatisfied with fubje&ing it alone to the inspection of our readers. Here we find two tables stating the quantity of tea imported by our East India Company, and the other nations of Europe for a series of years; and from them we learn that in 1769 the rest of Europe imported from China five millions and á half of pounds of tea, andin 1777 above sixteen millions, and that our rivals and enemies the French encreased their importations in that time from less than one million to above six millions, having in 1769 employed one China ship, and in 1777 nine, The Company's sales in the same period funk about one half, though the consumption in the British dominions has been and is now on the encrease. The inference is obvious. Foreigners, and particularly the French, have by smuggling engrossed the trade to the great injury of the revenue, which in this article alone sustains a loss of a million and a half. Besides this alarming circumstance the sale of our rums and sugars is impeded by the vast quantities of gin poured in upon us from various quarters, the Dutch distilling annually about four millions of gallons, the French about two millions and a half, and the Swedes no inconsiderable quantity. Most of this bafe fpirit is imported into Great Britain and Ireland, to the great detriment of the customs and excise, as well as of the health of his Majesty's subjects, who are thús encouraged in drunkenness and debauchery, and raise the poor-sates to an enormous degree. The people of Guernsey employ about twelve fhips in finuggling rum and fugar from the Danes; and all claffes of tea-dealers adulterate that commodity by mixing with it the leaves of floes, Vol. XI. Dd


ash, elder and other ingredients, coloured with terra japonim, ca, logwood, copperas, and such pernicious drugs. From all there wicked practises, it is here computed that the nation loses annually about two millions and a half in revenue. Suppose the loss to be but one half of this sum, is not every good citizen called upon to check fo alarming an evil, by giving every aid in his power to the late act for the prevention of smuggling, which enables the seller of sinuggled goods to become the informer, and which has excited af, sociations throughout the kingdom to offer rewards to all informers. For our part, we deem the matter of such serious consequence that we recommend it to the confideration of the next county meetings as an affair, which if pipperly managed, may prove infinitely more advantageous to the nation than any poflible reduction of the civil.list. Both schemes are certainly laudable; but of the two, the one now under our eye is the most effential, as it will necessarily distress our enemies, while it relieves ourselves ; and the reduction of the civil lift will distress the ministry no more than the oppofition,

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A Letter to the Whigs, Almon, A spirited well-written pamphlet. But we cannot recommend it for any novelty of observation. Indeed the subject is so common--complaining of the undue influence of the crown and corruption, that we know not how it could be otherwise.

We cannot help expressing our displeasure at his addressing it to the Whigs; by reason it seems with a desire to raise those obnoxious party names of Whig and Tary, Nothing is more destructive of national welfare than when its inhabitants are ranged under the banners of two oppofing parties, which oftentimes is merely nominal. There have ny who have professed themselves Whigs, and knew not what the term meant ; so that they might have been Tøries in their hearts, and, in this manner, were Tories in name as often as Whigs in reality,

We extract as follows, because it contains what he thinks wilt relieve us from our diftreffes.

“ Before I say any more, I must intreat the indulgence of my readers ; I am conscious that as a writer. I ain incorrect, unconDected, and diffufe ; but I hope that upon the whole I shall be


en ma:

found to have said something to the purpose. If I am mistaken, it is only my toil and labour lost, a Thilling spent, and the letter thrown into the fire. I am not fond of fcurrility and abuse, nor is it from any malignity in my disposition that I find fault with the measures or ministers; I will even admit, if they defire it, that with the best intentions in the world they have been guilty of the greatest errors. But I do insist upon it, that if this country had, for many years past, been governed by the worst men in it, we could not have been reduced to a more calamitous situation ; what then does it fignify to the nation whether we have been ruined by an error or a crime? whether by, determined malice, or the influ. ence of the moon? But I address myself to those who still retain their senses or their honour ; and I ask them, whether an im. mediare reformation in our whole fyftem of government be noc necessary! I ask them, if they will concur in the means necessary for fuch a purpose? I will propose such as I think adequate ; and I promise to adopt any that shall appear more effectual, let who will offer them. There is only one mode that occurs to me of Atriking at the root of corruption, and that is to obtain a free Par. liament; and there appears to me no poflibility of obtaining a free Parliament, but by multiplying the county members in such á manner as that they may exceed the borough-mongers, the Scotch, and all the venal and courtly part of the House of Commons. Till this is done no liberal or popular vote will ever be passed; and I appeal to every honest man in the kingdom, whether he thinks he can be injured by such a measure ? Neither the rights of the King, nor those of the Peerage, nor those of the Commons, can be affected by it; it is nothing more than a falutary provision against a flagrant abuse-What then shall we do to bring it about, should the expediency of the measure be admitted ?

The means are obvious, and very practicable. Let us convene in our several counties. Let us propose, and candidly debate uponi the measure, if thought expedient. Let us petition the Crown and both houses of Parliament, that every county may be per. mitted to lend as many members of Parliament as they please, the numbers of each to be proportioned by the land-tax; and the county of York, as being the largest, to send ten members for instance, or as many as may give the sound part of the House a fita periority over the corrupt. Should our petitioits be rejected (which we hope will not be the case) it will be evident that there is a de'. fign in fome one part of the legislature to assume and reserve to themselves an unconstitutional power, which we have a right to question, and by all lawful means to oppose: I would therefore advise the counties in such a cafe to fend no members at all; the consequence of which will be, that, not being represented, they need not pay the land-tax, of indeed any tax at all : but in case of extremities, and to avoid anarchy, it may be neceffary, if the worst happens, that each county thould'elect their own members (with or without a writ does 'not fignify fix-pence) and then wait upon them in a body to the door of St. Stephen's Chapel. I


question question whether any man will be found bold enough to shut that door, or to turn them out after they have taken their seats. These gentlemen, though of independent fortunes and unquestionable integrity, inuft not be trusted too far, because they are men, and not angels; they must therefore bind theinselves to fit for one year, and no longer; and to accept of neither bribe, place, nor penlion. Under these restrictions a knave cannot betray his couniry with impunity; and an honest man may be sure of representing his conitituents from year to year as long as he lives«

A Defence of the A£t of Parliament lately passed for the Relief of

the Roman Catholics. Containing a true State of the Laws now in Force against Popery. In Answer to a Pamphlet, entitled An Appeal from the Protestant Asociation to the People of Great Britain, &c. In a Letter to a Friend. By a Proteftant. 8vo. 6d. Johnson.

In an advertisement prefixed to this Letter, our author apologizes for the severity of his animadversions on the Appeal, in the following manner.

The author of the following pages, finding the Appeal unauthenticated by any signatures, either of the president, secretary, or members of the Protefiant Allociation, thought himself justified in considering it as an anonymous publication. He has accordingly treated it with a less degree of ceremony than he might have ufed, had the author or authors appeared : he hopes, however, that the candid and judicious will be of opinion, that he has not tranfgreffed the bounds of decency and good manners, or Thewn greater resentment than the occafion demanded.'

In considering the Appeal, our author freely owns, thae upon the most attentive and candid perulal of it, he cannot help being of opinion,

1. That the author's idea of toleration is throughout so ex. ceedingly defective, as by no means to deserve the name.

2. That his objections to the act for relief of the Roman Catholics are principally founded upon an entire misapprehenfion of its nature, and therefore,

“.3. That he and his affociates, in their endeavours to raise a ferment in the nation, and to excite mutual animosities amongst the inhabitants of these kingdoms, fo far from deserving to be considered as guardians of the constitution, are in fact, whether they know it or not, abettors of perfecution, and enemies of civil and religious freedom."

To prove each of the above particulars, evidence is produced from the pamphlet itself. The reasoning is clear. In Fhis production we perceive marks of a liberal and fenfible writer. We shall diliniss this Letter with an extract of the concluding paragraph.

this caule

“. With regard to the Proteftant association, as its members are all equally strangers to me,” says the author, " I can have no perdonal enmity to any one of them, Wheiher this pamphlet be their general offspring I cannot determine: I hope for their credit it is an imposition upon the public. If so, they will certainly take care to disavow it. If it be theirs, I freely give my opinion that it does them no honour: its itite is "contemptible, its reasoning futile, its object malicions. May it meet the disapprobation of every honest mind-may the deligns of cruelty and bigotry be defeated and may pure and equal liberty be speedily extended and perpetually preseryed to the whole world."


An Appeal from the Protestant Association to the People of Great

Britain concerning the probable Tendency of the late Act of Parliament in favour of the Papists. 8vo, 6d. Dod.

Ney, &c.


In consequence of the lenity shewn by government to the Papists by a late act of parliamend this pamphlet makes its public appearance. It confists of an introduction, four fections, and a conclufion.

The first section comprehends." Thoughts on tolera. tion, and how far it is consistent with our civil conftitution, and the preservation of the Protestant religion, to extend it to the Papists." The second," A view of the principal laws that were in force against the Papists before they were altered by the late act of Parliament, and of the spirit in which they were executed.” The third, “ Confiderations on the late act of Parliament, and the alterations made thereby in the penal laws against the Papists." The fourth, “ Observations on the manner in which the late act was obtained ; on the principal arguments in its favour, and. on the fatal consequences which will most probably result from it. And the conclusion, “ The absolute necessity of an application to Parliament for redress, and the constitutional mode of obtaining it."

The pamphlet before us breathes an intolerant spirit, and is replete with fire and fury. Perfecution, which it so violently condeinns in the Papifts, is bere strongly recommended, though it is pretended to be on Christian principles. Notwithftanding this affertion, we are no partizans of the

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