this disgraceful condition of things; but to a wider political enlightenment, also, some portion of the credit for such a result must be attributed. The election for Newark was of an exciting character, but devoid of those objectionable elements just alluded to. If Mr. Gladstone was out of favour at the hustings, the polling told a very different tale. From the first he took the lead, and became M.P. for Newark by a substantial majority, the numbers being-Gladstone, 882; Handley, 793; Wilde, 719. Commenting upon this result, the Newark representative of the Nottingham Journal said they had been told there was no reaction against the Ministry, no reaction in favour of Conservative principles. The delusion has now vanished, and made room for sober reason and reflection. The shadow satisfies no longer; and the return of Mr. Gladstone-to the discomfiture of the learned Serjeant and his friends -has restored the town of Newark to that high rank which it formerly held in the estimation of the friends of order and good government. We venture to predict that the losing candidate in this contest has suffered so severely that he will never more show his face at Newark on a similar occasion.' A few days after the election Mr. Gladstone attended a meeting of the Constitutional Club at Nottingham, and delivered a lengthy address. Alluding to this address and to the young member, a Conservative journalist who, if still living, may look back upon his words as the first prediction of Mr. Gladstone's great political future-observed, 'He is a gentleman of amiable manners and the most extraordinary talent; and we venture to predict, without the slightest exaggeration, that he will be one day classed amongst the most able statesmen in the British Senate.' This prophecy has been fulfilled strictly to the letter, but in a spirit wholly different from that which its utterer expected. Mr. Gladstone also spoke at Newark, in company with his friend, the Earl of Lincoln, delivering a manly, eloquent speech, replete with sound constitutional sentiments, high moral feeling, and ability of the most distinguished order.' Remembering what Mr. Gladstone has since done for the press of this country, it is curious to find him at this time stating that he could not support the abolition of taxes upon knowledge. He gave as his grounds for this policy, that the taxes not only assisted the revenue, but tended to prevent too great a circulation of bad matter. It must not be supposed that, able and successful as Mr. Gladstone was, he had no enemies. On the contrary, he had many political opponents who were deeply envenomed against him. As we have given the approving language of his friends, we will now quote the opinion of his foes upon the fortunate candidate and his election. This opinion was expressed as follows in the Reflector :- Mr. Gladstone is the son of Gladstone of Liverpool, a person who (we are speaking of the father) had amassed a large fortune by West India dealings. In other words, a great part of his gold had sprung We would do anything in our power from the blood of black slaves. Res- for Serjeant Wilde, and for the cause, pecting the youth himself-a person but we cannot starve ! " Now what fresh from college, and whose mind is say ye, our merry men, touching the as much like a sheet of white foolscap Ballot?' Such were the hostile reas possible he was utterly unknown. flections passed upon the successful He came recommended by no claim in candidate. The adage, that all is fair the world except the will of the Duke. in love and war'-including, we preThe Duke nodded unto Newark, and sume, political warfare - was transNewark sent back the man, or rather gressed on this and other occasions, the the boy of his choice. What! Is this personal criticisms on Mr. Gladstone to be, now that the Reform Bill has sometimes passing the bounds of done its work? Are sixteen hundred decorum. But to the bitterness of men still to bow down to a wooden- their defeat must be attributed much headed lord, as the people of Egypt of the rancour exhibited by the losing used to do to their beasts, to their party; they had counted confidently reptiles, and their ropes of onions? upon victory. There must be something wrongsomething imperfect. What is it? What is wanting? Why, the Ballot! If there be a doubt of this (and we believe there is a doubt even amongst intelligent men), the tale of Newark must set the question at rest. Serjeant Wilde was met on his entry into the town by almost the whole population. He was greeted everywhere, cheered everywhere. He was received with delight by his friends, and with good and earnest wishes for his success by his nominal foes. The voters for Gladstone went up to that candidate's booth (the slave-driver, as they called him) with Wilde's colours. People who had before voted for Wilde, on being called to give their suffrage, said, "We cannot, we dare not. We have lost half our business, and shall lose the rest if we go against the Duke. In the ordeal through which political candidates are called upon to pass, there is a mingling of agreeable and objectionable elements; and if Mr. Gladstone met with considerable vituperation at the hands of his opponents, he had the solid and satisfying fact to fall back upon that, in the contest which had just been waged, he had been placed at the head of the poll. The ambition of his youthful days was now in partial process of being realised. He had ardently desired to become a member of that Senate whose glories of statesmanship and of eloquence were the theme of the civilised world. He was now entitled to cross its august threshold; the first step in his Parliamentary career had been successfully taken, and the whilom student of Christ Church was member for Newark. CHAPTER IV. EARLY SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT. The First Reformed Parliament-Mr. Gladstone's Maiden Speech-The Slave Trade-The Member for Newark's THE HE first Parliament summoned after the passing of the Reform Act met on the 29th of January, 1833, and on the 5th of February the King attended and delivered the Royal speech in person. Of that celebrated Parliament but few members now remain. Who, in that popular House of Assembly, could have predicted the future of the newly-elected member for Newark? Even the member himself -who had nothing whatever against him, save, as Chatham said, 'the atrocious crime of being a young man'—sanguine as might be his political hopes, could scarcely have ventured to anticipate in his most ambitious dreams the period when he should be called upon to fill the position once held by the illustrious Canning. The new House of Commons-which might now be emphatically called the people's House of Parliament-did not fulfil all the expectations of the country, though the labours of its first session have given it an indelible place in history. Had Mr. Gladstone's maiden speech in |