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truth, of sufficient import to startle the American people. The very society, which objected to noticing the reception of the money which Jamaica contributed to the cause of missions, and the very society which, it has been proved in the preceeding remarks, sent the incendiary Smith to Demerara, and William Knibb and other incendiaries to the West India islands, where they incited insurrections, was the identical society which sent the incendiary George Thompson to the United States. When this political school of the East India Company sent out its emissaries to Demerara and the West India islands, it assumed the name of missionary society, and called them missionaries. Under the same name, from the same society, and the same house in London, it sent Thompson to the United States. The duplicity and treachery of the East India Company, is detected in the professions of Thompson himself. As is well known, and as the files of American papers will prove, Thompson professed to come among us, as a missionary "sent out by the pious ladies of Glasgow, to make gentle remonstrances against slavery." Yet, on the records of that identical London Society, which, it has been proved, is a political incendiary school, in the service of the East India Company, is an item of some hundred pounds sterling, and opposite to the said item the following words are recorded, "To George Thompson, for his mission to America." Here is evidence, then, that the East India Company, through its political school in London, which is called an anti-slavery society, or missionary society, as the case may require, is pursuing similar means and measures, yet in a more covert manner, against the slave labor of the Southern States of America, that it so successfully pursued against that of the West India colonies. The same system of incendiary politics, under other agents, and varied to suit circumstances, enabled it to overthrow the Mogul Empire. The East India Company, and some of its agents, as will appear hereafter, are better acquainted with the subject of negro slavery, in all its bearings, as well as the peculiar nature and character of the Ethiopian race, than any portion of the American people, not excepting the planters of the South. A few planters may know as much, but none of them can know more, because the East India Company, or at least some of its agents, have got in

their possession all the information extant upon the subject. The people of the Northern States, as well as the British public generally, are entirely and profoundly ignorant of the peculiarities natural to the negro, and of the whole question of slavery, in all its aspects and bearings. The policy of the East India Company is, to keep them so. The agents of the company had evidence in their possession, that the state of religion among the slaves of Jamaica and Barbadoes, and their condition in regard to comfort, happiness and the necessaries of life, were far better than the populace, mentally, morally and physically, of the British. metropolis itself, at the very time, when they were busily engaged in deluding the British public with false accounts of slaves being flogged for praying. In proof of which there was, at that time, a large contribution from Jamaica in aid of missions lying unacknowledged in London. While urging the christian community to petition Parliament for the abolition of West India slavery, on the plea that religion would prosper better among free negroes than slaves, certain christian missionaries arrived in London, who had been driven away by the free negroes of Hayti. But the truth established by the Methodist missionaries, who had been forced to flee from Hayti, and confirmed by the British Consul General, Charles Mackenzie, that the free negroes of that island have, in a manner, no religion, resist its introduction, and had converted their former churches into barns and stables, the agents of the company have taken great pains to disguise, conceal and whittle away by excuses and sophistical arguments. The truth, that the Parish of St. Thomas in the East, in slave-holding Jamaica, had more church members, in proportion to its population, than any parish in London, was of itself sufficient to disprove the dogma," that slavery and christianity were incompatible." But if it had not been, there was another truth, known to the agents of the company, that among the 141,000 free negroes in the non-slave-holding States, in 1830, not half nor quarter the number of church members are found, as among a like number, almost any where in the slave-holding States. Very few persons, either in England or the United States, appear to be acquainted with the very important fact, that the slave-holding States of America, in proportion to their population, including black and white, have more

church members than any part of the British Empire at home or abroad, and fully as many, or even more, than the non-slaveholding states themselves. Agents were sent from London to the United States, for the especial purpose of prying into this matter. Finding the true state of the case, they let it sleep. But the interest of the South requires that it shonld not sleep. Let those who would wage war, in the name of religion, against Southern institutions, and who are coutinually crying out against the sin and evil of slavery, be put to the blush, by the records of the christian churches.

Whatever the people of the Northern States or England may think, or imagine, the East India Company's agents are well apprised of another fact, known only to a portion of the South, and to them, which is, that the South, neither has nor will have, for ages to come, any thing to fear from the slaves themselves. The utmost efforts of the anti-slavery societies, can only produce neighborhood disturbances, which would soon be put down, as they always have been. The negroes out-numbered the whites, more than ten to one, in Jamaica, and more than twenty-five to one in Demerara; yet the disturbances in those colonies were of short duration. The East India Company never expected to break up the system of associated labor in the West Indies after that manner, nor did it expect to accomplish that object in the United States, by Thompson and the other agents it sent to America. It was too wise to entertain such an expectation for a moment. The agents, it sent to the West Indies, through its political school in London, were, for the purpose of ripening and promoting the scheme of kindling irritations between the West India colonies and the British people at home. So, also, Thompson and the other agents, it has sent through the same incendiary political school in London to the United States, were for the purpose of kindling irritations between the Northern and the Southern States of the Union. The West India planters had nothing seriously to apprehend from their negroes, excepting a few neighborhood disturbances. It was the action of the British people at home, which constituted their danger. So, also, the South, neither has, nor ever has had, any thing seriously to fear from its slave population, ove and above an occasional disturbance, which could be put

down in a day. If the South have any thing to fear, it is from the action of the Northern States, and the intrigues of the English, and not from its slaves. The South has been overrun by hostile armies promising protection, liberty and lands to its slaves, yet so strong is the tie of reciprocal benefits binding master and slave, that it could not be broken, except in a few instances, constituting exceptions to the general rule. A perseverance in hostile action by the people of the Northern States to Southern institutions will, however, lead, if not arrested, to a dissolution of the Union. Herein lies the true danger of the South, but it is a danger which equally threatens the North. The agents of the East India Company are so well acquainted with our institutions as to know, that a dissolution of the Union would not free a single slave. But they have good reason to believe, that after the dissolution of the Federal Government, the irritations of the Northern and Southern States leading to it, would bring on wars, in which both parties, being so nearly balanced, would weaken each other so much, as ultimately to fall a prey, like the Mogul Empire, to British power. At any rate, the East India Company would reap the advantages of any suspension in the agricultural labor of the South, by whatsoever means it may be caused. Could a correct knowledge of the basis upon which the incendiary politics of the East India Company is founded, be diffused among the people of the North and the South, there would be some ground to hope, that those irritations it has kindled between States of the same great republican family, would give place to better feelings. Certainly the North should let the South alone, but the misfortune is, that urged and goaded by the agents of the East India Company, through the company's political schools, called anti-slavery societies, it will not let the South alone, unless the machinations of that company be brought to public notice and counteracted. Great Britain has abolished slavery in the West Indies. Yet, the political school of the East India Company, called the anti-slavery society, established for the ostensible purpose of bringing about that effect, is not abolished. The object of its creation is accomplished in the passage of the West India Emancipation Bill; yet it still continues in greater activity than ever. The whole object and intent of the London Anti-Slavery Society,

can be for no other pnrpose than to inflame the people of the Northern States, by false representations and other means, against the system of slavery, so as to induce them, by some rash act, to drive the South to disunion and non-intercourse with the North. Indeed, the East India Company, its founder, no longer makes a secret of its machinations against the Southern institutions of America. If the world be too small to afford a market for the products of the East, and similar products of our Southern States; if British power in India must fall, or our glorious Union be dissolved, (since Great Britain is forcing upon us the question of disunion or abolition,) the sooner the issue is brought on the better. The question of abolition we will never discuss or entertain; but the question which shall stand or fall, the ill-got power of Britain in India, or our holy Union, cemented by the blood of our fathers, is the one which America should always be ready to debate, either at home or on the Ganges, with sword and with cannon.

ART. VIII.-1. Voices of the Night: By HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW: Sixth edition: Cambridge: John Owen. 1841.

2. Ballads and other Poems: By HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW. New York: Harpers. 1841.

There is not a maudlin simmerer of sentimentalities, nor a putter-together of paragraphs, on the broad continent, who has not contributed his quota of regret and wonderment that this magnificent nation is comparatively destitute of a poetical literature; and, so often have the changes been rung upon this threadbare theme, that there is no touch of its melody, which has not become part and parcel of the national faith. Not a poetaster exists among us, from Morris to the obscurest " Florella " or " Julian of a country newspaper, who knows not, by heart, the extremely humiliating fact, that the American people have no enthusiasm for poetry, and are completely destitute of a just admiration for the "higher efforts of genius,"--that is, their own supernatural effusions! In vain the classic McHenry threshes the air with his inspired heroics, a Benjamin talks down the

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