for the decency of his deportment at Preston; or to reimburse him, perhaps, for the fine of one thousand pounds, which, for that very deportment, the court of King's Bench thought proper to set upon him. It is not often that the Chief Justice and the Prime Minister are so strangely at variance in their opinions of men and things.

I thank God, there is not in human nature a degree of impudence daring enough to deny the charge I have fixed upon you. Your courteous secretary, your confidential architectt, are silent as the grave. Even Mr. Rigby's countenance fails him. He violates his second nature, and blushes whenever he speaks of you. Perhaps the noble colonel himself will relieve you. No man is more tender of his reputation. He is not only nice, but perfectly sore, in every thing that touches his honour. If any man, for ex ample, were to accuse him of taking his stand at a gaming-table, and watching, with the soberest attention, for a fair opportunity of engag. ing a drunken young nobleman at piquet, he would, undoubtedly, consider it as an infamous aspersion upon his character, and resent it like a man of honour. Acquitting him, therefore, of drawing a regular and splendid subsistence from any unworthy practices, either in his own house, or elsewhere, let me ask your Grace, for what military merits you have been pleased to reward him with military government? He had a regiment of dragoons, which, one would imagine, was at least an equivalent for any services he ever performed. Besides, he is but a young officer, considering his preferment;

Tommy Bradshaw.

+ M, Taylor. He and George Ross (the Scoteir agent and worthy confidant of Lord Mansfield) managed the business,

and, except in his activity at Preston, not very conspicuous in his profession. But it seems the sale of a civil employment was not sufficient; and military governments, which were intended for the support of worn-out veterans, must be thrown into the scale, to defray the extensive bribery of a contested election. Are these the steps you take to secure to your Sovereign the attachment of his army? With what countenance dare you appear in the royal presence, branded, as you are, with the infamy of a notorious breach of trust? With what countenance can you take your seat at the treasuryboard, or in the council, when you feel that every circulating whisper is at your expense alone, and stabs you to the heart? Have you a single friend in Parliament so shameless, so thoroughly abandoned, as to undertake your defence? You know, my Lord, that there is not a man in either house, whose character, however flagitious, would not be ruined by mixing his reputation with yours: and does not your heart inform you that you are degraded below the condition of a man, when you are obliged to bear these insults with submission, and even to thank me for my moderation?

We are told, by the highest judicial authority, that Mr. Vaughan's offer to purchase the re

* A little before the publication of this, and the preceding letter, the Duke of Grafton had commenced a prosecution against Mr. Samuel Vaughan, for endeavouring to corrupt his integrity, by an offer of five thousand pounds for a patent place in Jamaica. A rule to shew canse why an information should not be exhibited against Vaughan for certain misdemeanours, being granted by the Court of King's Bench, the matter was solemnly argued on the 27th of November, 1769, and, by the unanimous opinion of the four judges, the rule was made absolute.

version of a patent place in Jamaica (which he was otherwise sufficiently entitled to) amounts to a high misdemeanour. Be it so: and if he deserves it, let him be punished. But the learned Judge might have had a fairer oppor tunity of displaying the powers of his eloquence. Having delivered himself, with so much ener

The pleadings and speeches were accurately taken in short-hand, and published. The whole of Lord Mansfield's speech, and particularly the following extracts from it, deserves the reader's attention. "A practice of the kind, "complained of here, is certainly dishonour"able and scandalous. If a man, standing

under the relation of an officer under the "King, or of a person in whom the King puts "confidence, or of a Minister, takes money for "the use of that confidence the King pats in "him, he basely betrays the King; he basely "betrays his trust. If the King sold the office, "it would be acting contrary to the trnst the "constitution hath reposed in him. The con"stitution does not intend the Crown should "sell those offices to raise a revenue out of "them. Is it possible to hesitate, whether this "would not be criminal in the Duke of Graf"ton? Contrary to his duty as a Privy-Coun "sellor, contrary to his duty as a Minister, "contrary to his duty as a subject? His ad"vice should be free, according to his judg.

ment. It is the duty of his office; he hath sworn to it." Notwithstanding all this, the Duke of Grafton certainly sold a patent place to Mr. Hine, for three thousand five hundred pounds. If the House of Commons had done their duty, and impeached the Duke for this breach of trust, how woefully must poor honest Mansfield have been puzzled! His embarrassmeut would have afforded the most ridiculous scene that was ever exhibited. To save the Judge from this perplexity, and the Dake from impeachment, the prosecution against Vaughan was immediately dropped.

gy, upon the criminal nature, and dangerous consequences of any attempt to corrupt a man in your Grace's station, what would he have said to the Minister himself, to that very Privy Counsellor, to that first Commissioner of the Treasury, who does not wait for, but impatiently solicits, the touch of corruption; who em ploys the meanest of his creatures in these honourable services; and, forgetting the genius and fidelity of his secretary, descends to apply to his house-builder for assistance?

This affair, my Lord, will do infinite credit to government, if, to clear your character, you should think proper to bring it into the House of Lords, or into the court of King's Bench. But, my Lord, you dare not do either.

LETTER XXXV.

JUNIUS.

TO THE

Printer of the Public Advertiser.

SIR,

December 19, 1769. WHEN the complaints of a brave and powerful people are observed to increase in propor tion to the wrongs they have suffered, when, instead of sinking into submission, they are roused to resistance, the time will soon arrive, at which every inferior consideration must yield to the security of the Sovereign, and to the general safety of the state. There is a moment of difficulty and danger, at which flattery and falsehood can no longer deceive, and simplicity itself can no longer be misled. Let us suppose it arrived: let us suppose a gracious, well-intentioned prince, made sensible, at last,

of the great duty he owes to his people, and of his own disgraceful situation; that he looks round him for assistance, and asks for no advice, but how to gratify the wishes and secure the happiness of his subjects. In these circumstances, it may be matter of curious speculation to consider, if an honest man were permitted to approach a king, in what terms he would address himself to his sovereign. Let it be imagined, no matter how improbable, that the first prejudice against his character is removed; that the ceremonious difficulties of an audience are surmounted; that he feels himself animat ed by the purest and most honourable affections to his King and country; and that the great person whom he addresses, has spirit enough to bid him speak freely, and understanding enough to listen to him with attention. Unacquainted with the vain impertinence of forms, he would deliver his sentiments with dignity and firm. ness, but not without respect.

SIR,

It is the misfortune of your life, and originally the cause of every reproach and dis. tress which has attended your government, that you should never have been acquainted with the language of truth, until you heard it in the complaints of your people. It is not, however, too late to correct the error of your education. We are still inclined to make an indulgent allowance for the pernicious lessons you received in your youth, and to form the most sanguine hopes from the natural benevo lence of your disposition. We are far from

The plan of the tutelage and future domi. nion over the heir apparent, laid many years ago, at Carlton-House, between the Princess Dowager, and her favourite the Earl of Bute, was as gross and palpable as that which was concerted between Ann of Austria and Cardi