CHAPTER XIII. Administration of Lord Goderich-Turkey and Greece-The battle of Navarino-Resignation of Lord Goderich-Administration of the duke of Wellington-Parliament-The Schoolmaster abroad-Progress of Education-Mr. Brougham's speech on Law Reform-The New Metropolitan Police-Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts-Mr. Huskisson's retirement from the Ministry-Ireland-Election for Clare of Mr. O'Connell-Ministerial views on Catholic Emancipation-Opening of Parliament-Emancipation referred to in the King's Speech-The Catholic Relief Bill moved by the duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel--Continued and violent debates-The Catholic Relief Bill passed-Mr. O'Connell's second return for Clare-Meeting of Parliament-Motions for Reform-Illness and death of George the Fourth. THE death of Mr. Canning placed Lord Goderich at the head of the government. The composition of the Cabinet was slightly altered. Mr. Huskisson became Colonial Secretary, Mr. Herries Chancellor of the Exchequer, The government was generally considered to be weak, and not calculated for a long endurance. Its greatest accession of strength seemed to be in the acceptance of the office of Commander-in-Chief by the duke of Wellington. Lord Eldon, in serious apprehension that this appointment committed the duke to the support of the administration, wrote to him a letter which called forth this explanation: "If, on the one hand, the administration have no claim upon my services out of my profession, I, on the other hand, can be of no counsel or party against them."* The cabinet of lord Goderich had not a long existence. It lasted scarcely five months, and it fell through the petty jealousies of some of its members, which gave the finishing blow to the tottering fabric. On the 10th of November it was known in London that despatches had been received at the Admiralty, announcing a great naval battle in the bay of Navarino. If the popular belief in omens of national success or disaster had not nearly passed away, the public might have looked with trembling anxiety to these despatches, in the dread that the battle would prove a defeat. For, at the lord mayor's banquet on the 9th of November, a great device of illuminated lamps representing an anchor suddenly fell down upon the dignitaries below, slightly wounding the duke of Clarence and the lord mayor, scattering unwelcome oil over the dresses of the ladies who graced the civic feast, and altogether marring the usual flow of hollow compliment which is so coarsely proffered and so greedily accepted on these occasions. The Gazette soon pro VOL. VIII. * Twiss, "Life of Eldon," vol. iii. p. 13. 226 TURKEY AND GREECE. [1827. claimed that the Turkish fleet had been nearly annihilated; that the flags of England, France, and Russia floated supreme on the shores of the Morea. Nevertheless, politicians shook their heads at what they considered an aggression, which might lead to an interminable war-an aggression which ultraToryism regarded as particularly objectionable, inasmuch as it crippled the means of a despotic Power effectually to crush its rebellious subjects. The Sublime Porte had well learnt the lessons taught by the Congresses of Troppau and Laybach when it proclaimed, in its manifesto of the previous June, that "Almighty wisdom, in dividing the universe into different countries, has assigned to each a Sovereign, into whose hands the reins of absolute authority over the nations subject to his dominion are placed." When the demand under the Treaty of London, which was made by England, France, and Russia, for an immediate armistice, as a preliminary and an indispensable condition to the opening of any negotiation, was announced by the Ambassadors of these Powers at Constantinople, the Divan declined to recognize any interference with its conduct towards its rebellious subjects. The Greeks readily accepted the armistice proposed by the Treaty. Ibrahim Pasha had come from Alexandria with the Egyptian fleet during the period of the discussions at Constantinople. The Allied fleets were lying off Navarino, their admirals being without authority to prevent the junction of the Egyptian fleet with the Turkish, already moored in that harbour. The Egyptian commander was informed by sir Edward Codrington that he might return, if he chose, with a safe conduct to Alexandria, but that if he entered the harbour he would not be suffered to come out. Ibrahim Pasha made his choice to join the Turkish fleet. On the 25th of September a conference took place between the admirals and Ibrahim Pasha, at which the Egyptian prince entered into a verbal agreement for a suspension of hostilities during twenty days. The English and French commanders, relying upon this agreement, sailed to Zante to obtain fresh provisions. Ibrahim Pasha then came out of the harbour, with the object of carrying his warfare to some other point in the Morea. Sir Edward Codrington met him near Patras with a small force, and compelled him to return. After that, says the Protocol of the three admirals, "the troops of the Pasha have not ceased carrying on a species of warfare more destructive and exterminating than before, putting women and children to the sword, burning their habitations, and tearing up trees by the roots, in order to complete the devastation of the country." The despatch of sir Edward Codrington, dated from H.M.S. Asia, in the port of Navarino, narrates the subsequent decisive event. The Count de Hayden, rear-admiral of Russia, and the French rear-admiral the Chevalier de Rigny, having agreed with him to enter the port in order to induce Ibrahim Pasha to discontinue his brutal war of extermination, took up their anchorage about two o'clock on the afternoon of the 20th of October. The Turkish ships were moored in the form of a crescent. The combined fleet was formed in the order of sailing in two columns, the British and French forming the weather or starboard line, and the Russian the lee line. The Asia led in, followed by the Genoa and Albion, and anchored close alongside a ship of the line bearing the flag of the Capitana Bey. The stations of the French and Russian squadrons were marked out by the English admiral, who was the chief in command. "I gave 1827.] BATTLE OF NAVARINO. 227 orders," says sir Edward, "that no gun should be fired unless guns were fired by the Turks, and those orders were strictly observed." The three British ships passed the batteries, and moored without any act of hostility on the part of the Turks, although they were evidently prepared for a general action. At the entrance of the harbour were six Turkish fire-vessels, which a portion of the English squadron were appointed to watch. On the Dartmouth sending a boat towards one of these vessels her crew was fired upon by musketry. The fire was returned from the Dartmouth and La Syrène, which bore the flag of admiral de Rigny. An Egyptian ship then fired a cannon-shot at the French admiral's vessel, which was immediately returned; "and thus," says sir Edward Codrington, "very shortly afterwards the battle became general." After describing, with the usual indistinctness, the movements of various ships, he comes to the catastrophe. "This bloody and destructive battle was continued with unabated fury for four hours, and the scene of wreck and devastation which presented itself at its termination was such as has been seldom before witnessed." Of the Egyptian and Turkish fleets, which numbered about a hundred and twenty men-of-war and transports, one-half were sunk, burnt, or driven on shore. The Allied admirals published a notice after the battle, that as they did not enter Navarino with a hostile intention, but only to renew propositions to the commanders of the Turkish fleet, they would forbear from destroying what ships of the Ottoman navy might still remain, "now that so signal a vengeance has been taken for the first cannon-shot which has been ventured to be fired on the Allied flags." They threatened that if there were any new act of hostility they would immediately destroy the remaining vessels and the forts of Navarino. The despatch of sir Edward announcing the victory contains a frank admission that he was not insensible to other feelings than those of professional obedience to his instructions: "When I found that the boasted Ottoman word of honour was made a sacrifice to wanton, savage devastation, and that a base advantage was taken of our reliance upon Ibrahim's good faith, I own I felt a desire to punish the offenders.—But it was my duty to refrain, and refrain I did; and I can assure his royal highness [the duke of Clarence] that I would still have avoided this disastrous extremity, if other means had been open to me." The differences upon financial measures between Mr. Herries the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Huskisson Secretary of State for the Colonies, could not be reconciled by lord Goderich, and he therefore tendered his resignation to the king on the 9th of January, 1828. His majesty immediately sent to lord Lyndhurst to desire that he and the duke of Wellington should come to Windsor. The king told the duke that he wished him to form a government of which he should be the head. "He said that he thought the government must be composed of persons of both opinions with respect to the Roman Catholic question; that he approved of all his late and former servants; and that he had no objection to anybody excepting to lord Grey." It was understood that lord Lyndhurst was to continue in office. The duke of Wellington immediately applied to Mr. Peel, who, returning to his post of Secretary of State for the Home Department, "Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," part i. p. 12; letter of the duke. 228 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. [1828. saw the impossibility of re-uniting in this administration those who had formed the Cabinet of lord Liverpool. He desired to strengthen the government of the duke of Wellington by the introduction of some of the more important of Mr. Canning's friends into the Cabinet and to fill some of the lesser offices. The earl of Dudley, Mr. Huskisson, lord Palmerston, and Mr. Charles Grant became members of the new administration. Mr. William Lamb, afterwards lord Melbourne, was appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland. The ultra-Tories were greatly indignant at these arrangements. They groaned and reviled as if the world was unchanged. The duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel had disappointed the country by making a mixed government; Mr. Huskisson was odious to the agricultural and shipping interests; the whole cabinet was composed of a majority of favourers of the Roman Catholic claims; above all, lord Eldon was omitted.* The ex-chancellor considered himself very ill-used, and publicly said, "I don't know why I am not a minister." Mr. Peel, in his private correspondence of this date, shows how clearly he saw that the nation could no longer be governed upon the old exclusive principles. He was fast sliding into that liberality which was incomprehensible to those who had looked upon his previous career. He writes, on the 18th of January, "I care not for the dissatisfaction of ultra-Tories; this country ought not and cannot be governed upon any other principles than those of firmness, no doubt, but of firmness combined with moderation." A fortnight afterwards he asks, in writing to the same correspondent,-What would have been the inevitable fate of a government composed of himself and of some ultra-Tories whom he names, who would indeed be supported by very warm friends, but those very warm friends country gentlemen and fox-hunters, who would attend one night in parliament, but who would quickly weary of sitting up till one, two, or three o'clock in the morning, fighting questions of detail? The greater difficulty was expressed in the fact that the country could no longer be governed by "country gentlemen and fox-hunters." + On the 29th of January Parliament was opened by Commission. The most important part of the Royal Speech was that which, after reciting the progress of events in the East, and referring to the treaty with France and Russia, says "With a view to carry into effect the object of the treaty, a collision, wholly unexpected by his Majesty, took place in the port of Navarino between the fleets of the contracting Powers and that of the Ottoman Porte. Notwithstanding the valour displayed by the combined fleet, his Majesty deeply laments that this conflict should have occurred with the naval force of an ancient ally; but he still entertains a confident hope that this untoward event will not be followed by further hostilities, and will not impede that amicable adjustment of the existing differences between the Porte and the Greeks, to which it is so manifestly their common interest to accede." The expression "untoward event" produced angry remonstrances from many quarters from the Whigs, from some of lord Goderich's ministry, from the friends of sir Edward Codrington. But all united in declaring that no blame was attached to that gallant officer. The duke of Wellington, in a few "Diary of Lord Colchester," vol. iii. p. 534. 1828.] PARLIAMENT THE SCHOOLMASTER ABROAD. 229 straightforward words, defended the expression. The Treaty of July was not intended to lead to hostilities. The former government thought the object of the treaty would be effected without hostilities. " Therefore, I say, that when unfortunately the operations under the treaty did lead to hostilities, it was an untoward circumstance.” In the debate upon the Address in the House of Commons, Mr. Brougham raised very strong objections to the appointment of the duke of Wellington as the head of the government. Though he professed to entertain the highest opinion of the noble duke's military genius, he evidently undervalued his administrative talents. He thought a great soldier's experience was no fit preparation for civil duties. Mr. Brougham had not then the advantage of knowing, through the publication of the duke's "Despatches," how equal he was to the highest statesmanship, with probably the one exception of undervaluing the strength of popular opinion. Mr. Brougham in 1828 thought it unconstitutional that almost the whole patronage of the State should be placed in the hands of a military Premier. With his unfailing power of sarcasm, he considered that there was no validity in the objection that the duke was incapable of speaking in public as a First Minister ought to speak, because he had heard last year the duke declare in another place, that he was unfit for the situation of First Minister, "and he really thought he had never heard a better speech in the whole course of his life." Mr. Brougham wound up his objections to the appointment of the duke of Wellington by a passage of splendid declamation, whose concluding words, especially, were echoed through the country with extraordinary fervour—with an enthusiasm which speedily carried forward the small beginnings of a great change to very decided results which would more than ever make the action of the government in a great degree dependent upon the opinion of the people. When he had called the appointment of the duke of Wellington to the head of the government unconstitutional, let it not be supposed, he said, that he was inclined to exaggerate. "He was perfectly satisfied that there would be no unconstitutional attack on the liberties of the people. These were not the times for such an attempt. There had been periods when the country heard with dismay that the soldier was abroad. That was not the case now. Let the soldier be ever so much abroad, in the present age he could do nothing. There was another person abroad-a less important person-in the eyes of some an insignificant person-whose labours had tended to produce this state of things-the Schoolmaster was abroad."* It was no idle boast of the orator that education was in various ways raising the moral and intellectual character of the community. There had been a real beginning of this great work. Yet it was only a beginning. To imagine, however, that England had been wholly destitute of the means of education, whilst the schoolmaster was doing his work efficiently in Scotland, is to a certain extent a mistake. When the endowed Grammar-schools were founded, it never entered into the minds of their benefactors that all the people -or, in the language of those ages, that all the poor-should be instructed. A few who were unable to pay for their education were to be selected, and these were to receive for ever an education of the highest order. These * Hansard, vol. xviii. col. 58. |