to yield, we should not be inattentive to the fate that was to befal his kingdom. If it was to be portioned out, should not this country look to the interests of Denmark, to the future views of the great northern power, and to the attempts that might still be made to assert the independance of the north of Europe? Our hostility to Denmark could not be very keen; we should even be disposed to make the amende honorable to her for what has past, and rather contemplate what reconciliation and future friendship might effect, than what might gratify present hostility. He should trouble their lordships no further, but only hope, that in expressing these his sentiments on the present occasion, he had not been guilty of any irregula rity.

Lord Hawkesbury gave full credit to the candid and circumspect manner in which the noble duke had deliver ed his opinions upon points of such delicacy. The noble duke was perfectly regular in the mode he took of delivering them, for when supplies were to be granted to his majesty, it was doubtless open to every noble lord to advise how those grants ought to be applied. In adverting to the points to which the noble duke had more particularly directed the attention of the house, their lordships must be sensible that his observations must be very general, and that owing to the very peculiar and delicate nature of the subject, he could not at present enter into any detailed explanations. With respect to Spain, the people of that country have manifested a spirit and determination to resist the attempts of their invaders, which would have done honour to the most glorious periods of their history, and which perhaps were not to be expected under the pressure of such formidable difficulties. Such a scene, every man in that house, every man in this country, must hail with the liveliest satisfaction; and what "ery gene rous heart must wish should be done in suppe, of so glo rious a cause, his majesty's ministers wou feel it their duty, as it was the interest of the country, to do. With Jegard to what information they had received, of the designs or the hopes of those brave and resolute inen, who, in defence of their country's independance, were expos ing themselves to every thing which a powerful and singuinary tyrant could devise and inflict, it could not be expected he should now unfold it, His majesty's ministers were fully sensible of the extreme importance of this

event; and he trusted they should be found to have acted accordingly. The situation of Sweden was certainly the next in interest and importance, and towards the monarch of that kingdom, whose gallant exertions so justly claimed our warmest wishes and admiration, the conduct of his majesty's ministers would also, he trusted, appear to be without reproach. When the time came freely to unfold the principles and the views which had guided that con duct, whenever that moment arrived, he should not shrink from that inquiry; but on the contrary, be most forward and eager to court it. He hoped, that under circam stances like the present, he should not be expected to enter into any details, but be allowed to expect that their lordships might be assured that his majesty's government would neglect nothing which the nature of the circum stances, both of this and of other countries, might suggest and require.

Lord Holland still retained his objections to the bill, on which, however, he should not now again dwell, but rather follow the example of his noble friend near him, and shortly express his opinion of the present aspect of affairs. What was the extent of the means of the Spanish patriots, or what their future views respecting a change in their government, he did not pretend to be accurately informed of. Of the spirit that actuated them he had no doubt; and from the nature of the country, and the re sources which that spirit would supply, he willingly took the most auspicious omens. It held out a prospect of things which authorized the best hopes; and be anxiously expected it would be improved and taken advantage of. Much would depend upon the spirit and the views with which the government of this country would now act towards Spain. His advice was, that their spirit should be most liberal, their views most explicit, their objects most distinct, and most plainly understood. If they attempted at all to assist the efforts of Spain to resist her invaders, they should broadly explain, not only what they intended to do, but also what they did not intend to do. Above all they should convince the Spaniards, that in assisting them we had no private interests to promote, no selfish objects to attain, no favourite forms of government to prescribe, that we had no commercial advantage to require, no exclusive partialities to insist on; that we disinterestedly assisted Spain to achieve what the Spanish peo

ple were hazarding every thing to accomplish; that we were consequently willing to guarantee the integrity of the Spanish empire, and to negotiate with any form of go vernment which the Spanish people were disposed to adopt, or with any family which they might choose to call to the throne, if they decided on a monarchical form, whether limited or unlimited. Not a moment should be lost in laying down agreements of that nature. The time for acting was the present moment, and his majesty's minis ters would be seriously responsible, if, for any petty con siderations, such as those he had alluded to, the oppor tunity should be lost. He should again repeat, that the ground of co-operation and assistance between the two countries, should be broad, liberal, and thoroughly uns derstood on both sides.

The Duke of Norfolk could by no means assent to a principle laid down by his noble friend, he meant the guaranteeing the integrity of the Spanish empire. He considered the Spanish possessions in South America as lost from the present moment, and severed for ever from the mother country. It was, therefore, for the government of this country, a commercial and maritime nation, to watch the fall of the Spanish colonies. He could not otherwise look with security and satisfaction to the British interests in that quarter.

The question was then put on the third reading of the bill, and agreed to without a division.

HYDE PARK.

Lord Grosvenor rose to call the attention of the house. to certain rumours that had gone abroad, of an intention to erect a number of buildings, so as to obstruct the view, of the park, which contributed so much to the pleasure and the health of the inhabitants of the metropolis, while it would materially injure the property of several individuals. He was at a loss what mode to adopt, in order to bring the matter under their lordships' consideration but as it regarded the welfare of the public, he must think there was some mode or other of subinitting it to the consideration. of parliament.

The Lord Chancellor, and Lord Lauderdale insisted that it was highly unparliamentary to interfere in the private concerns of the crown..

The Duke of Norfolk observed, that if the noble lord should hereafter contrive to bring the question before the house, he would pledge himself to prove that the publis were more interested in the property of the crown than in the property of any individuals.

The order of the day was then moved for the third reading of the curates' bill, when

The Earl of Buckinghamshire renewed his former opposifion to the bill, which was again supported by Lord Harrowby.

The Lord Chancellor doubted the expediency of the bill, and wished to hear something upon the subject from the right reverend the bench of bishops.

The Bishops of Rochester, Bristol, and Carlisle, opposed the bill, as likely to produce more mischief than good.

The Bishop of London and Lord Hawkesbury said a few words in favour of the bill.

The Archbishop of Canterbury was favourable to the object of the bill, but thought, in its present state, it would rather produce mischief than good.

The third reading was negatived without a division, and the bill rejected.

On the motion that the appropriation bill be read a third time, Lord Holland renewed the observations relative to the college of Maynooth, and was answered by Lord Hawkesbury. After a few observations from the Duke of Bedford and Lord Lauderdale, the bill was passed.

On the motion that the distillery bill be read a third time,

Earl Bathurst proposed an alteration; that instead of Great Britain the word England should be introduced, in order to correct a clerical error in the bill.

Lord Holland thought that some inquiry ought to be instituted how such a mistake had crept into the bill. - Earl Bathurst stated, that it was the province of the other house of parliament to make the inquiry, as the bill had come up from the other house with the mistake as it at present stood.

Earl Bathurst's amendment was adopted.

The court of session bill was read a third time, after a few observations from Lord Lauderdale, Lord Rosslyn, and the Lord Chancellor; as was also the Scotch judges' annuity bill,

The assessed taxes bill was read a third time, and passed.

The Lord Chancellor moved, that an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he may be pleased to order that a more adequate remuneration be given to Mr. Stacey, assistant counsel to the chairman of the committees of the house of lords.

After a few words from the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Walsingham the address was agreed to.

Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

THURSDAY, JUNE 30.

A message from the lords desired the attendance of the house at their lordships' bar, when the royal assent was given by commission to several public acts.

It was ordered, on the motion of Mr. Lockhart, that there be laid before the house early in the next session, copies of the returns made by the bishops relative to the residence of the clergy.

Mr. Maddocks intimated his intention of renewing in the ensuing session, the bill which had passed this house on his motion, but had been lost in the other house. The subject of the bill was the supply of coals from Liverpool to Wales. With a view to his intended motion, Mr. Maddocks moved for an account of all coals carried coastwise, from the port of Liverpool to any port in Wales, distinguishing the po t and the quality of the coal, whether kennel, pit coal, or slack.

DISCIPLINE OF THE ARMY.

Sir Francis Burdett, with a view to lay a foundation for a motion which he intended to offer early in the next session of parliament, for the purpose of abolishing flogging in the army, moved, that there be laid before the house, regimental returns of all corporal punishments sentenced and inflicted in all regular and militia regiments for the last ten years, with the causes thereof, and the number of lashes inflicted on each occasion.

The Secretary at War deprecated the motion, as going improperly to interfere with the prerogative of the crown and the discipline of the army, and as tending to no good