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can political history. It witnesses the introduction of Jeffersonian Republicanism, “as real a revolution in the principles of our government, as that of 1776 was in its form. The Federalist party remained in power from 1793 to 1801, but it was decidedly weak by 1800 because it was out of touch with the tendency of the times. It was aristocratic in nature and felt deep distrust of the masses, whereas the people of this time were determined to be their own government. John Adams was President from 1797 to 1801. He had an affection for monarchic forms, though he was one of the men largely responsible for the American Revolution against George III. The Federalists tried to keep Jefferson out of the presidency even after he was elected to it. Not being successful in this attempt, they passed legislation creating additional Federal judgeships, many more than the judicial business of the country demanded. President John Adams, a Federalist, appointed Federalist friends, whom the people had defeated at the polls for elective government positions, to fill these new judgeships, thus placing them where the people could not vote against them. So partisan was President Adams that he would not wait to shake hands with the new President, Thomas Jefferson, but hurried away to his home in Massachusetts. Every sign of aristocracy was repugnant to Jefferson. He had deep confidence in the common, plain people of America. The Nation believed in him.
Within seven days from the inauguration of Washington, the French Revolution broke out and kept Europe in continuous warfare for twenty years.
It colored the politics of America during the whole period, and involved the United States in war with France (the French naval war of 1798-1800), and with England (the war of 1812). Jefferson was pro-French in attitude.
Under such domestic and foreign troubles it is pleasant indeed to note the decidedly conciliatory tone of Jefferson in this his first Inaugural address, which shows above all things else his deep faith in democracy and his explicit trust in the ability of the common man to govern himself.
LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG ADDRESS AND SECOND INAUGURAL
ADDRESS (Pages 45 and 46) Lincoln (1809–1865) wrote up his own biography as follows:
"Born, February 12, 1809, in Harden County, Kentucky;
"Éducation defective; Profession, a lawyer;
‘Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk War; “Postmaster at a very small office; Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature; “And was a member of the lower house of Congress (1847-1849).”
It is reported that he once said in a conversation: “I never went to school more than six months of my life." In 1860 he wrote of his own education : “What he has in the way of education he has picked up. After he was twenty-three, and had separated from his father, he studied English grammar. He studied and nearly mastered the six books of Euclid (geometry) since he was a member of Congress. He regrets his want of education, and does what he can to supply the want."
Lincoln belonged to the Whig party; later became leader of the Republican party (formed 1856);, was its second presidential candidate, being elected by that party as President in 1860; and was reölected by that party in 1864. He was shot by John Wilkes Booth in Ford's Theatre in Washington, April 14, 1865. Lee had surrendered to Grant at Appomattox, Va., April 9, just five days before. Lincoln's Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, as he stood by the bedside of the martyred President, gave expression to six words which, perhaps more than any others, justly rate this kind-hearted, noble American: “Now he belongs to the ages.'
Governor Curtin of Pennsylvania wished to make of Cemetery Hill a National burying-ground. We are told that over 3500 Northern soldiers were buried there who
died to save the Union in the greatest battle of the Civil War (July 1-3, 1863) near Gettysburg. This was the most critical moment of the war, General Lee being in command against General Meade. Doctor Junius B. Remensnyder gives an account in The Outlook of February 13, 1918, of this address. He was not more than thirty feet from President Lincoln on this occasion. The orator of the day was not Lincoln, but the Hon. Edward Everett, a most cultured speaker. At the conclusion of his address, the President of the Cemetery Association asked President Lincoln to dedicate the cemetery.
All Gettysburg was alive with crowds, soldiers, distinguished Americans, banners, and music. President Lincoln, riding on horseback, led the procession to Cemetery Hill. Mr. Everett spoke for about two hours in elegant diction and in a cultured manner. Lincoln seemed to be burdened by the length of the address. He sat in a very tall rocker, swaying restlessly to and fro, assuming all manner of attitudes, our reporter tells us, and when the polished orator was through, he arose, adjusted his glasses, and with no oratorical show began to read his address, written on a large sheet or sheets of paper which fluttered in his hand. Lincoln's simple power and pathos held his hearers spellbound. Says Dr. Remensnyder: “The time, in the midst of the great war for the Union; the scene, the crucial battlefield of the struggle, the hills and the woods about us still echoing with the roar of guns and artillery; and, above all, the thousands of hero graves encircling us, contributed to heighten the moral grandeur of the moment. Then, too, more impressive even than the address, the personality of the man himself, incarnating the great issues, shone forth with a compelling power.'
This address is considered one of the two or three most memorable in the political annals of the human race.
Lincoln was elected again in November, 1864, by an electoral vote of 212 to 21. General McClellan, nominated by the Democrats, was Lincoln's opponent. At one time Lincoln himself had slight hopes of being re
elected. Though he was the candidate of the Republican party, there was powerful opposition in it to his renomination. Many thought Lincoln too slow and too conservative in dealing with the rebellion. The opposition platform in substance declared the war a failure, and demanded that “immediate effort be made for the cessation of hostilities.” President Davis of the Confederacy had declared that he would listen to no offers of peace except on the ground that the North recognize the independence of the Confederacy. Grant's Wilderness campaign (May-June, 1864) had brought no comfort to the Administration. The people had become weary of the long war, which seemed less hopeful than a few months before. But the military situation from August to well into October had aroused new hopes. Farragut, Sherman, and Sheridan had won victories for the Union, which were the most powerful arguments for the Republican cause.
When Lincoln drove to the Capitol to be inaugurated for the second time, a rain was falling, and the day was gloomy. As Lincoln was about to take the oath, however, the sun burst through the clouds, which Lincoln said made his “heart jump.' “The people listened to his inaugural, awed by solemn and stately beauty, gazing upon him as if he were a prophet speaking by inspiration.” Lincoln himself seemed to prefer this Inaugural to any of his other papers. Of it he said in writing to a friend : “I expect the latter to wear as well as perhaps better than -- anything I have produced." Few state papers have expressed in such effective language the deep emotion and the feeling of religious aspiration and hope.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE (Page 48) James Monroe (1758–1831) was the fifth President of the United States. When still in his teens he fought for the cause of freedom in the New World in the American Revolution. He held many prominent public positions. He was governor of Virginia, Senator of the United States, minister to both England and France, President
Madison's Secretary of State, and twice President of the United States. He died in New York City, July 4, 1831.
Napoleon Bonaparte overthrow the Spanish dynasty and placed his brother Joseph upon the Spanish throne, June 6, 1808. This changed existing European conditions at that time. The fact that the Spanish colonies in South America were oppressed by heavy taxation, commercial hardships, and bad governors led them to break away from Spain (1807-1825). They proclaimed themselves republics, and were recognized by President Monroe as independent nations May 4, 1822. The allied powers of Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France (the Holy Alliance) pledged themselves to restore all the “legitimate thrones which the Napoleonic wars had overthrown, and their intention was to restore also to Spain her rebellious colonies in South America. Great Britain invited the United States to join with her in warning the Holy Alliance not to disturb the new South American republics. Although President Monroe, ex-Presidents Madison and Jefferson all heartily approved Great Britain's suggestion, yet Secretary of State J. Q. Adams convinced President Monroe that we ought not to follow England's lead, but rather assume full and sole responsibility ourselves for the protection of the republics on the American continent. In his annual message to Congress of December 2, 1823, the President issued the famous statement which has since been known as the Monroe Doctrine. It is not a part of international law, since no foreign nations have officially accepted it as binding upon them. America's entrance into the World War of 1914 is a fulfillment of this Doctrine, and is not in opposition to it. If the United States should join a League of Nations to Enforce Peace, this act would be a still greater fulfillment of the Monroe Doctrine. The object of that Doctrine is to protect and defend democracy in the New World from the autocracy of the Old World.