War that they might establish for all time on this continent the inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. A third of a century later they fought to emancipate an oppressed neighbor, and, victory won, 5 gave back Cuba to the Cubans, sent an army of schoolmasters to educate for liberty the Filipinos, asked no war indemnity from their vanquished enemy, but paid him liberally for his property. Meanwhile they offered land freely to any farmer who would live upon and cultivate it, 10 opened to foreign immigrants on equal terms the door of industrial opportunity, shared with them political equality, and provided by universal taxation for universal education.

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The cynic who can see in this history only a theme for his egotistical satire is no true American, whatever his parentage, whatever his birthplace. He who looks with pride upon this history which his fathers have written by their heroic deeds, who accepts with gratitude the inheritance which they have bequeathed to him, and who 20 highly resolves to preserve this inheritance unimpaired and to pass it on to his descendants enlarged and enriched, is a true American, be his birthplace or his parentage what it may.

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WHAT THE FLAG MEANS°

BY CHARLES EVANS HUGHES. (JUNE, 1916)

THIS flag means more than association and reward. It is the symbol of our national unity, our national endeavor, our national aspiration. It tells you of the struggle for independence, of union preserved, of liberty and union one and inseparable, of the sacrifices of brave men and women to whom the ideals and honor of this 30 nation have been dearer than life.

It means America first; it means an undivided allegiance. It means America united, strong and efficient,

equal to her tasks. It means that you cannot be saved by the valor and devotion of your ancestors; that to each generation comes its patriotic duty; and that upon your willingness to sacrifice and endure as those before you have sacrificed and endured rests the national hope.

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It speaks of equal rights; of the inspiration of free institutions exemplified and vindicated; of liberty under law intelligently conceived and impartially administered. There is not a thread in it but scorns self-indulgence, weakness, and rapacity. It is eloquent of our community 10 interests, outweighing all divergences of opinion, and of our common destiny.

Given as a prize to those of the highest standing, it happily enforces the lesson that intelligence and zeal must go together, that discipline must accompany emotions, 15 and that we must ultimately rely upon enlightened opinion.

MILITARY TRAINING IN A DEMOCRACY°

By The World's Work. (JANUARY, 1917)

THE sentiment for universal military training has been of reluctant growth in this country, but it seems now to have taken hold upon the convictions of the American 20 people. They long fostered a noble aspiration for perpetual peace an aspiration based not upon fear or slothfulness or creature comfort, but upon a profound conviction of the wickedness and the futility of war. And so benign had been their intentions toward the rest 25 of the world that they had come to assume that the United States was outside the range of foreign envy or malice.

The dream has been shattered. The vastest war and one of the most ferocious in history has destroyed the 30 illusion of a permanent peace of altruism. And instead of finding the benignancy of our intentions a bar to hos

tility abroad, we have found ourselves on every hand confronted by short-tempered nations whose speech to us has been as sharp as the limits of prudence would permit.

We have taken the hint, and, relaxing no whit our 5 benevolence of purpose, we have gone halfway toward assuring that we shall so far arm ourselves as to guarantee that we shall be strong enough to be left alone to pursue our peaceful way. President Wilson knew the history and the temper of the American people well enough to I know that they believed by inheritance in a strong navy and a weak army; and he got the means of defense they would most quickly agree to - he got for the navy the most prodigious appropriation in its history.

Now the people see the need of a strong army as well. 15 If it is not to become the instrument of oppression which history has taught them to dread, it must be a democratic army and that means universal military training. It does not mean the continental system of longterm service. Least of all does it mean the erection of 20 another Prussian hereditary class of military egotists, or the more romantic but scarcely less repugnant military cast of the professional British army before the war. What is wanted in this country is a training in the use of arms and the usages of war as brief as the Australian or 25 the Swiss, and an organization as democratic as the French, where officers and men are simply fellow-citizens in a common service of defense. More than this will not be tolerated by the great body of American people: less than this will not be enough to guarantee the Nation's 30 safety.

AN AMERICAN CREED°

BY CHARLES W. ELIOT. (APRIL 8, 1917)

"THE Sun" asks me for "an American creed." I object to creeds in general, because they often pretend to

be fixed or final statements of belief. Nevertheless I write out here a political and social creed which I think is accepted today by most thoughtful and dutiful Americans. It is to be expected and hoped that every tomorrow will improve it.

Americans believe

In individual liberty, so far as it can be exercised without injury to the superior rights of the community: In complete religious toleration:

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In freedom of speech and of the press, subject only to 10 temporary restraint in times of popular excitement by public authority only:

In the control of public policies and measures by representative, legislative assemblies elected by universal suffrage:

In an executive head of the nation elected for a short term by universal suffrage, and exercising large powers, but under constitutional limitations:

In local self-government:

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In a universal education which discovers or reveals 20 the best function for each individual, and helps him toward it:

In a free and mobile social state which permits each individual to render to the community the best service of which he is capable:

In resistance to evil men and governments, and in the prevention of evils by every means that applied science has put into the hands of man:

In submission to the will of the majority after full discussion and a fair vote:

In leading rather than driving men, women, and children:

In the practice of reasoning, self-guidance, and selfcontrol rather than of implicit obedience:

In the doctrine of each for all and all for each:
In a universal sense of obligation to the community

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and the country, an obligation to be discharged by service, gratitude, and love:

In the dignity and strength of common human nature, and therefore in democracy and its ultimate triumph.

THE CHALLENGE°

BY WOODROW WILSON. (APRIL 2, 1917)

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS. I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of 10 making.

On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of hu15 manity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the Ger20 man submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given 25 to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough 30 as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a cer