its existence; the national anger would have swept it away. But it has not done so, will not do so, and (whatever other faults it may have committed), has never thought of doing so. There is no national excitement of any kind, and in such cases members of Parliament do think of their purses, though they will never say so. So long as there is no pressing question requiring them to turn out the Government, it is almost certain that they will not turn it out.

Some other persons who expect Mr. Gladstone's Government to fall, put it upon a different ground; they say that the Cabinet wish to go out, and therefore look that it will do so. But few Administra⚫tions have resigned office of free will. It is quite true that high office is not in the least the elysium which distant observers imagine it. It causes great labour; it causes great anxiety; it causes a most constant and painful pressure on the nerves. Unless a man can bear to read every morning every nasty thing that can be said of him, he will die of vexation. But painful as the eminence is, few have ever voluntarily descended from it. A conscientious man will not, for he has begun policies and incurred responsibilities which it would be wrong to leave half finished; an ambitious man will not, for he prefers place and power to ease and impotence; a common sensible man will not, for he will remember the advice of the old Chancellor "Never resign, for if you do, the Lord Almighty only knows when you will get in again." Even if we should hear every individual member of the Cabinet say he loathed the treadmill of office, we should expect the whole Cabinet, after united deliberation, to decide to remain upon it.

only commonplace work to do, he cannot show the genius which is suited to the highest occasions, but is very likely to show the little defects which any occasion may excite and is enough for. In Parliament and in the conduct of petty business these defects cause a dissatisfaction and an anger altogether disproportioned to their real importance. All this has gradually become known to the country during the last two years, and to that extent Mr. Gladstone's national position has changed; but there is nothing to prove more than this, or that Englishmen at large wish to remove him from the Treasury, and choose some one else.

There is undoubtedly a reaction against the most extreme opinions. Sir Charles Dilke and Professor Fawcett have undoubtedly succeeded in making not only themselves but their tenets most_unpopular. There is no more chance of a Government which is to govern in their spirit, than of one which is to govern in that of Mr. Newdegate. The English people would not endure either. The only possible Government now, as we lately showed at length, is a government, as the French say, of the Centre a Government, that is, which mainly governs in the spirit of the element common to both parties, of the moderate men who, on whichever side of the House, do not much differ on the vast bulk of questions one from another. It is the Government which shall best satisfy this " common element" in Parliament and in the country that will rule us for the next few years. But it has yet to be shown that Mr. Gladstone's is not that Government. Many months and many events must pass before that is determined.

We have purposely discussed the generThe country, as we have said, by no al aspect of the political position, and said means desires to change its Government; little of the minor events which have been on the contrary, we believe that it desires so much in men's mouths, and which have, to retain the present one, and would be for the most part, been enough discussed. both vexed and puzzled if it resigned. There is undoubtedly, as we have exNo doubt there is a considerable change plained, a great desire in Parliament not of feeling since the last election. The to turn out the Government, but to annoy country had then a sort of love affair the Government. Mr. Gladstone has, from with Mr. Gladstone; it expected from certain peculiarities, displeased very many him as much, and as much that was incon- people, and very many of them are trying sistent, as a girl of seventeen ever expect in requital to displease him. Mr. Fawcett, ed from her first admirer. Not only no who is always convinced "that he does well single statesman, but no twenty statesmen, to be angry," incessantly tries to thwart, could perform what the country then ex- and is not always unsuccessful. On the pected; and seeing that all possible mira- last occasion the Government overcame cles have not come, many wilder admirers him in a manner which we regret exceedare vexed and impatient. Besides this, ingly. An article, evidently of official origin what has been known for years in Parlia- (though Mr. Gladstone had no connection ment, Mr. Gladstone is a man of great with it), appeared in the Daily News, saygifts and small defects, and when there is ing that the vote which Mr. Faweett de

sired would be taken by the Cabinet as a | Such official communications must aug vote of want of confidence. The surprise ment the sale of a newspaper. Most peoit created was very great. No one ex-ple care much more to hear what the Govpected such a notification, and scarcely ernment is going to do, than to know what anyone could see the reason of it. And their newspaper thinks. If official secrets on careful examination such inspira- of the first magnitude are to be scattered tions appear to be exceedingly bad. over the newspapers, they will not imThey are like anonymous letters, of which prove the quality. In the long run editors we believe we know the author, but which will look most for that which pays best, we have no means of fastening upon him. and it will be a great misfortune if they They are bad bases for argument, for in are tempted to rely on a mere supplication some cases they may be quite right, and for official confidences, instead of on in others they may be all wrong; some-independent information and impartial times the "inspiration" will contain a argument. blunder; sometimes it will tell us a truth. Still this is but a single error on the The House of Commons too naturally part of the Government, or rather of some wishes to hear its own leaders tell itself member of it, and it does not seriously with their own voice what they do, and lessen the stability of the Administration, what they do not, intend. And the effect or impair the reasons which we have ason the newspapers is the worst of all. signed for believing in its stability.

THE RUINS OF ZIMBAOE IN SOUTH AFRICA. On September 5, 1871, the South African explorer Carl Mauch visited the ruins of an ancient and mysterious city in the highland between the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers, long known by native report to the Portuguese, and situated in a land which from its gold and ivory has long been identified by some authorities as the Ophir of Scripture. Letters describing the ruins are published in the Mittheilungen. Zimbaoe lies in about lat. 20° 14' S. long. 31° 48 E. One portion of the ruins rises upon a granite hill about 400 feet in relative height; the other, separated by a slight valley, lies upon

a somewhat raised terrace. From the curved and zigzag form still apparent in the ruined walls which cover the whole of the western declivity of the hill, these have doubtless formed a once impregnable fortress. The whole space is densely overgrown with nettles and bushes, and some great trees have intertwined their roots with the buildings. Without exception the walls, some of which have still a height of 30 feet, are built of cut granite stones, generally of the size of an ordinary brick, but no

age of the strange edifice. Zimbaoe is in all probability an ancient factory, raised in very remote antiquity by strangers to the land, to overawe the savage inhabitants of the neighbouring country, and to serve as a depot for the gold and ivory which it affords. No native mud-hut dwelling tribe could ever have conceived its erection. Academy.

to little things, is shown in Le Moniteur ScienTHAT science is not above giving its attention tifique Quesneville, for March, in which Dr. destructive effects of soda and other washingQuesneville desires to save our linen from the powders, by recommending the following mix. ture: 2 pounds of soap are dissolved in 5 1-2 gallons of nearly boiling water, and to this is added three large table-spoonfuls of ammonia, and one of spirits of turpentine. In this the linen is to be soaked for three hours, when it is readily cleansed, requiring but little rubbing. Ammonia does not affect linen or woolen fibre as soda does.

mortar has been used. The thickness of the walls where they appear above ground is 10 feet, tapering to 7 or 8 feet above. In many places monolith pilasters of 8 to 10 feet in length, ornamented in diamond-shaped lines, In the last year there was exported from Nistand out of the building. These are gener-caragua 100 dols. worth of the waters of Nejaally 8 inches wide and 3 inches in thickness, pa, reported to have the virtue of curing drunkcut out of a hard and close stone of a greenish-enness. This may be recommended to the black colour, and having a metallic ring. Dur- Liquor League as better than a Maine Liquor ing the first hurried visit, Mauch was unable to Law. In the neighbouring State of Columbia, find any traces of inscription, though carvings it is asserted by natives and Europeans, that of unknown characters are mentioned by the there is an Indian cure for drunkenness. early Portuguese writers. Such however may yet be found, and a clue be thus obtained as to the

Nature.

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From The Quarterly Review. THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT: ITS HISTORY AND ELOQUENCE.*

mony of parts ?
branches of the legislature at its creation
or inception held, or was intended to hold,

Which of the three

THERE is a comic History of England. the same relative rank which it holds

Why might there not be an anecdotical now? Mr. Butler relates in his "Reminone, in which the salient points should be iscences," that Moreton, Chief Justice of placed in broad relief by memorable say- Chester, happened to say in the House, ings, and striking incidents by well- "King, Lords, and Commons, or (looking chosen traits of valour, virtue, patriotism, at the first Pitt) as that right honourable eloquence, and wit? There is no pleas- member would term them, Commons, anter mode of conveying knowledge, no Lords, and King." Pitt called him to surer mode of durably impressing it. order, and desired the words to be taken The most fugitive attention is caught by down. They were written down by the anecdotes: the most volatile mind retains clerk. 66 Bring them to me," said Pitt, in them so long as it retains anything; and his loftiest tone. By this time Moreton none but the shallowest will miss the was frightened out of his senses. "Sir," moral they point, the reflections they sug- he stammered out, addressing the Speaker, gest or the conclusions they justify. The "I am sorry to have given any offence to compilers of "A Book of Parliamentary the right honourable member or to the Anecdote " have manifested no extraordi- House. I meant nothing. King, Lords, and nary amount of discrimination or research. Commons-Lords, King, and Commons Their materials are drawn from familiar Commons Lords, and King: tria juncta in and easily accessible sources; their ar- uno. I meant nothing; indeed, I meant rangement is open to grave objection; yet nothing." Pitt rose: "I don't wish to push their main object, as explained in their the matter further. The moment a man Preface, has been attained. They have acknowledges his error, he ceases to be produced an amusing, useful, and interesting work; nor is it well possible for any thoughtful reader, at all given to political speculation, to skim their pages without હું picturing to himself the various stages by which the British Parliament has reached its proud pre-eminence amongst the legislative assemblies of both hemispheres; without evoking scene after scene, or crisis upon crisis, in which its independent existence was rudely threatened by highhanded prerogative from without. or its character, as an instrument of freedom and civilization, sadly compromised by reversed. The very shifting of places faction or corruption from within.

When Madame de Staël was expatiating to the Emperor Alexander on the good fortune of Russia in possessing such a ruler, he replied, "Alas, Madame, I am nothing but a happy accident." Can the British Parliament, looking either to its origin, its constitution, or its growth, be honestly described as anything else? Where are the marks of contrivance or design, of unity of plan, of calculated har

A Book of Parliamentary Anecdote, Compiled from Authentic Sources. By G. H. Jennings and W. S. Johnstone. London, Paris, and New York, 1872.

guilty. I have a great regard for the honourable member, and as an instance of that regard, I give him this advice: whenever he means nothing I recommend him to say nothing."

This incident is related in illustration of Pitt's ascendency, which must have been absolutely overwhelming if he could bully an eminent lawyer into a craven apology for words which, by no great latitude of interpretation, might be proved historically true. Again and again has the order of precedence been practically

which he blurted out in his confusion has occurred. It was Lords, King, and Commons frequently, if not normally, under the Plantagenets. King, Lords, and Commons, under the Tudors: Commons, Lords, and King, during the Great Rebellion. Where the varying arrangement fails, is in not conveying an accurate impression of the contrast presented by the Commons as they started and as they stand. The obscure and unhonoured state from which they emerged recalls "the dirt and seaweed whence proud Venice rose." The burgesses were summoned solely to vote