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or impudence carried to a higher pitch! But they were not to be deluded by this little artful attempt to invade their freedom.

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Mr. Burr was solicitous to prevent the nomination of George Clinton, junior, a nephew of governor Clinton. Many of our citizens had expressed themselves in favour of his being a candidate for the convention. It was, however, a main object with Mr. Burr to prevent his nomination. His agents were made acquainted with his wishes, and were accordingly on the alert to complete them. The subtlest arts of the Burritian school were employed to put down the promising young man, and to alienate public opinion from him. The noisy instruments of the closet intriguer were clamorous in every ward. Mr. Burr dreaded the name of Clinton. He was conscious that the family were opposed to his injuri ous schemes. And he knew that their uniform adherence to republican principles had justly given them a weight with the public that might be employed to his disadvantage. All his arts, however, were unavailing; Mr. Clinton was elected, and Mr. Burr had the mortification of witnessing that not one of his creatures were returned to the Convention for the City of New-York but William P. Van Ness!

The station which Mr. Burr filled in the General Government was the passport to the chair of the Convention. An extreme diminution of the number of the State Senators was his favorite point. From the reduction of the number of the Assembly he had nothing to hope; he therefore felt no concern about it. From that of the Senate he had much, and he therefore paid suitable attention to it.

The Senate had for many years been a perfect aristocracy.' It was generally so odious that many considerate members of the convention were disposed to get rid of it altogether. Some less ardent spirits thought that two objects might be accomplished by reducing the number of its members to a very few. First, a diminution of expence proportionate to the reduction of the number. Second, it was conceived that the reduction of the number would lessen the aristocracy. Mr. Burr eagerly availed himself of these various opinions; and the forty-three members of which the Senate was composed, he thought of reducing to fifteen or eighteen, but eventually fixed on twenty-four.

Finding that the Senate was unpopular, he zealously inculcated the opinion in private that, in the ratio that its numbers should be reduced, the aristocracy would be lessened; which, though an acceptable, was a most erroneous doctrine. For, if a body of men, with given powers, be Aristocratic when composed of forty-three, they will be much more so, with the same powers, when reduced to twenty-four. A small number are more liable to corruption, more inclined to intrigue, and much more easily managed than a large one. The opinion, therefore, disseminated by Mr. Burr, though specious, was exceedingly erroneous. It was, however, a gilded bait and caught in the Convention many a gull.

Mr. Van Ness, as usual, was the pliant instrument of Mr. Burr in the Convention. He brought forward his resolutions; he obeyed his nod. He moved that the forty-three Senators should be reduced to twenty-four,* which was carried. With this decision Mr. Burr was pleased.

*See Journal of the Convention, page 30.

Subsequent explanations, however, took place and many of the members who had voted for twenty-four, were convinced that they had been deceived by specious arguments.

Accordingly, the following day Mr. George Clinton, jun. moved to expunge from the resolution the words " twentyfour," and insert in their stead "thirty-two"* which, how-, beit the Vice-President spoke in the committee of the whole with vehemence and acrimony against it, was carried fifty to forty-six. It is remarkable that on this question not one of the representatives of the City of New-York voted with the Vice President but Mr. Van Ness!

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In his endeavours to establish this powerful and dangerous aristocracy, Mr. Burr as usual had an eye only to himself.†

He at that time (October 1801) entertained no hopes of obtaining from the general government further appointments of his creatures to office. He was anxious to found an influence in this state that would give him a corresponding power out of it. He was sensible of the importance of this vast link in the federal chain: And he knew that the present council of appointment, but especially Messrs. De Witt Clinton and Ambrose Spencer, were aware of his machinations and decidedly opposed to them. His contemplated re

duction of the Senate would have prevented the re-election f

of Mr. De Witt Clinton for some years, which he clearly foresaw. And he confidently calculated on managing his Senate-insignificant in number, but formidable in powerso as to form a council of appointment from it, more favourably inclined to aid the completion, because less sensible, of

See Journal of the Convention, page 31.

his destructive schemes., This, had he succeeded in the reduction, in all probability he might have effected.

Such were the motives of Mr. Burr, for the zeal he manifested to reduce the Senate to fifteen or eighteen, and for defending with so much bitterness and asperity in the convention, the number twenty-four. But he was defeated. And to the honour of the city representation, it cannot be too often reiterated, that they all voted against him, except his valet de chambre William P. Van Ness. The number agreed upon was thirty-two.

The republican party, under federal denomination in the state of New-York, were excluded from all offices. When in their turn they obtained ascendency, it was natural to éxpect that they would require at least their full proportion of offices. Accordingly numbers applied to the Council of Appointment; some with great and others with small merit, and many must of course be disappointed, inasmuch as there were more applicants than offices. In the city of NewYork, the law limits the number of auctioneers to twenty-four; more therefore than that number, could not be appointed. And yet it is confidently asserted that there were more than two hundred applicants. Embarrassment then was multiplied upon embarrassment; for with every disposition to reward merit, and afford satisfaction, it was impossible not to disappoint many worthy men. And it required more than human knowledge not to correct mistakes, among so many applicants and with so many offices to fill. Mr. Burr and his partizans seized every opportunity to throw odium on the council. Persons were encouraged and prompted by them to apply for office, whom they had every reason to

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believe could not be gratified. But as many of the disappointed office-hunters rallied round the standard of Mr. Burr, his little band encreased almost in proportion as their wishes remained ungratified by the council. There are, however, many very honourable exceptions to the remark.

Mr. Burr ought to have been satisfied with the appointment of his step-son to one of the best offices in the gift of the council; we mean the Recorder of the city of New-York, and of others of his particular friends. But no principle of gratitude could restrain him. Many applicants were disappointed, many complained; and Mr. Burr and his tools took care to fan the flame. As it respects the council of appointment in the state, this conduct on their part was not singular. The chagrin of those who had been disappointed in their applications to the general government, was carefully heightened. Many honourable and upright men, however, seeing the difficulties which surrounded the administration, although disappointed, adhered to their principles with fidelity.

The following mode was adopted by Mr. Burr and his partizans.

When they met with a disappointed applicant who had been in the army, it was observed with much sympathy and in melancholy strains that "old soldiers were overlooked by the council!" When with a coxcomb, the council of appointment were really humiliating. And so their remarks were exactly suited to the circumstances of every disappointed applicant they met with or sought out.

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