as we become great and powerful-as our resources continue to out-grow the resources of other nations; it is in human nature that something of an invidious feeling towards us, should grow up in the world. It is a fact which implies no sentiment of enmity, no hostile spirit towards us. It is, as I have said, in the nature of men, that rivalry should generate, not hatred-but perhaps envy-and a desire to seek for consolation in some weaker point of the character of a too successful competitor. Never was there a moment at which the continuance of peace throughout the world was more probable. But even in peace, the wary politician will calculate the means, and forecast the chances of war.

I say, then, that whatever rival nation looks jealously into the state of England to find a compensation for all her advantages, and a symptom of weakness amidst all her power, will fix-does fix-as if by instinct, its eyes on the state in which we keep the Catholic population of Ireland. There," they say, "is the weakness, there is the vulnerable point of England." How sad that they should say this with so great a semblance of truth!

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Shall we then continue still to cherish a wound that is seated near the vital parts of our greatness? shall we not rather disappoint those who wish us ill (if such there be) and give comfort and confidence to those who wish us well, by closing

the wound which has so long remained open and rankling, and by taking care that before we are ever again called upon to display the national resources, or to vindicate the national honour, it shall be so far healed, as that not even a cicatrice is left behind.

Such a state of things, Sir, is, in my conscience, I believe, as practicable as it is desirable. My earnest prayer is, that the House may adopt such measures as will tend to accelerate so blessed a consummation. And, as it is my hope, that the bill now before us, if it should pass, will tend to that result, I give my cordial support to the motion that it be now read a second time.

The question being put, "That the word now' stand part of the question,"

RELIGIOUS ANIMOSITIES IN IRELAND.

MAY 26th, 1825.

MR. S. RICE submitted the following motion, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, copies or extracts of any letters or despatches which have been received from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, respecting the origin, nature, and effects of religious animosities in that country, and the best means of allaying those animosities, with a view to the tranquillization and good government of Ireland, and the strength and security of the empire."

MR. SECRETARY CANNING* rose, evidently labouring under severe indisposition, and spoke for some time in a tone so low as to be scarcely audible. He began by expressing a hope, that a very little persuasion was necessary to induce the honourable member for Limerick not to press the motion which he had introduced to the House. There were, however, he said, some topics which had been alluded to in the course of the debate, with regard to the subject in which that motion had originated, which the House would, perhaps, excuse him, if he briefly referred to, in his

turn.

Two views of the question had been taken by the honourable and learned member for Winchelsea, in neither of which could he at all agree. No man, he would venture to say, could attach more importance to the claims of the Roman Catholic population of Ireland than himself; but,

at the same time, he could not admit to the honourable and learned gentleman, that the Roman Catholic Question was every thing that it was the only question interesting to the country; at least, that it was of such a nature as to overwhelm and absorb all other questions! Secondly, with regard to the reference that had been made by the honourable and learned gentleman, to the divided opinions of the members of the Government, upon this question :--he (Mr. Canning) had never meant to say, that if a new Government were about to be formed, it would not be desirable to have a uniformity of opinion in the Cabinet on that, as on every other important question. But there was a very wide difference-and such a difference as no wise he would even say no good-man, could fail to perceive, between the question of forming a new Government upon a principle of unanimity, and of breaking up an existing one, because it happened to be divided upon one great subject.

He was perfectly ready to concur with his right honourable friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he said, that if he could be persuaded that the sacrifice of his office would insure the settlement of the question of the claims of the Roman Catholics, he was willing and ready to resign. He (Mr. Canning) also, on his part, would say, with the most perfect sincerity of heart, that if he could believe, that his relinquishment of office would conduce to the settlement of the Catholic Question, he would not hesitate a moment to make the sacrifice. Not that, when he made this declaration, he did not see-without meaning to overrate any public advantage contingent upon his continuance in office—that his withdrawing himself from the Government would be attended with some public disadvantage; but, if such a step, on his part, would decide the settlement of the Catholic claims, and thus set at rest a question so perplex

ing to Parliament and to the country-the good to be thereby obtained would more than counterbalance the disadvantage. His opinion, however—and he would frankly state it-formed upon recent and most anxious deliberation, was, that, so far from conducing to the success of the measure, his relinquishment of office, at the present moment, would only tend to throw the prospect of the success of the object, which it was intended to serve, to a greater distance than ever; at the same time bringing upon the country other evils of a most tremendous character. The opinion which he entertained was-as he had already said-formed upon recent and most anxious deliberation; in short, it was an opinion on which, acting conscientiously, he felt that be should be acting for the best.

The honourable and learned member for Winchelsea had observed, that he could not fully understand the reasons which had been urged by his right honourable friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer; neither, perhaps, could he (Mr. Canning) himself expect, standing where he did, that he should be able to make himself quite intelligible to the honourable and learned gentleman. It was quite obvious, that the materials of the opinion which he was stating, were of too delicate a nature to be produced and handled in debate. But he spoke in the presence of persons who perfectly understood him (though the honourable and learned gentleman was not one of that number), and before whom, therefore, it was not likely that he should speak at random; and, under those circumstances, and with this effectual, though silent, proof of the sincerity of what he was saying, he did not hesitate positively to affirm, that the course recommended by the honourable and learned member for Winchelsea would be fraught with calamity to the country.

This only he would add-that he (Mr. Canning) held