Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew
The essays in this volume arose out of the Society of Biblical Literature section on linguistics and Biblical Hebrew and have been selected to provide a summary and statement of the state of the question with regard to a number of areas of investigation. The sixteen articles are organized into sections on phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, discourse analysis, historical/comparative linguistics, and graphemics.
1 - 3 találat összesen 23 találatból.
4.6.4 Following 'ayin, unstressed qāmes in an open syllable (reflecting *a)
usually induces only medium change. All other vowels, including hatép qāmes,
qāmes hättip (which reflect *u), and stressed qāmes, induce maximum change. 5.
There seems no doubt, however, that the changes in *a followed by a guttural
were stimulated by the Masoretic qāmes (o), which might reflect *a or *u, not by
long d. The failure of the *a of the article to develop into ságöl in hahokmo is due
epsilon in such hexaplaric forms regularly reflects early short *i, and since neither
Philippi's Law nor the qatqat > qitqat dissimilation operates in the hexaplaric "
dialect," these forms, as noted by Lambdin, "unambiguously require *qittil- and
Mit mondanak mások - Írjon ismertetőt
E J Revell The Development of Segol in an Open
Gregory Enos Phonological Considerations in the Study
14 további fejezet nem látható