copiously abridged or transcribed. We will not add that these have been already noticed by us; for from their form they could not be the subject of our remarks, and from their importance they would not. Our readers may have observed that we have looked at publications on this subject somewhat fastidiously. We have done so, for we saw their foundation. The subject itself we have closely watched, and have given its substance within narrow limits indeed it did not require any very extensive research. The foreign publications we have designedly passed by, not because they have not been before us, but because the vehicle only was altered-the medicine remained the same; and we shall now only shortly add the state of the question, so far as it becomes one, from the evidence exhibited. : The disease of the cows, from which it derives its name, may certainly be communicated to the human body; and whatever becomes of the question, whether the cow-pox can be repeatedly communicated? the probability is, that it preserves mankind from the small-pox; while the discase in itself is more mild, less communicable by effluvia, and not attended, in particular situations, with symptoms so violent or dangerous. That it preserves from the small-pox, is not yet, in the opinion of every one, clearly established; but we think it to be so. Various facts on the opposite side are adduced; though we are old enough to know that they are not more numerous than those formerly brought by the opponents of inoculation. If it be a fact that in some RARE, VERY RARE instances, the small-pox may twice attack the same person, it will not be surprising, when such repeated infections are earnestly inquired after, and carefully preserved by the opponents of the cow-pox, that similar ones may be found with respect to this latter disease. The disease itself is certainly more mild, and, we believe, scarcely, if ever, attended with the dangerous symptoms of inoculated small-pox; yet we think the idea should not be held up that such symptoms never occur. Should there happen to be such, even from-accidental coincidence, the practice would suffer from the disappointment. Some of these we think we have witnessed, though in circumstances that ought not to affect the question in general. That the disease is never attended with pustules, or communicated by effluvia, has not yet been indisputably ascertained; but the general evidence is decidedly in favour of the cow-pox. We have perhaps, in this short compass, said more in favour of the cow-pox than Mr. Ring in his laboured compilation; for we admit that we were prejudiced against it; and the above is. the result of a patient investigation. As we have hinted that the advocates of the cow-pox should not aim at proving too much,and indeed this is unnecessary, as so much is clearly in their. favour, we will add another caution. In all the disputed cases, where the small- has been said to be followed by the cow-pox, it has been alleged that the latter has been of the spurious kind. Authors have indeed endeavoured to point out this spurious kind, and its distinguishing appearances; but this has not been done with clearness and precision, nor so publicly nor popularly as the doubts require. It is a very proper subject of consideration in our author's second part. We think it ascertained that the small-pox will not soon attack the person who has had the cow-pox; but whether it will ever affect him, is perhaps not clear. We mean not however, by' this remark, to oppose the new attempt, but to assist its progress; for if we must depend (and in this case it is indispensable) on the observation of an illiterate person, after the interval of from twenty to forty years, every one will admit that objections from this source will have little weight. We have many cases of this kind in our records; but, for the reasons just alleged, we think them weaker than a reed. We may add more when the second part comes before us. We wish, however, for other language, and for the omission of the reputed cause.. MONTHLY CATALOGUE. POLITICS, &c. ART. 14.-Letters to the Right Honourable Lord Hawkesbury, and to the Right Honourable Henry Addington, on the Peace with Bonaparte; to which is added an Appendix, containing a Collection (now greatly enlarged) of all the Conventions, Treaties, Speeches, and other Documents connected with the Subject. By William Cobbett. 8vo. 75. Boards. Cobbett and Morgan. 1802. THIS indefatigable writer vomits forth his fury against lordHawkesbury for the peace, and is terribly sore for the indignity offered to his own house on the night of the illuminations. The editor of the Porcupine, whose whole delight seemed to be to throw dirt, in his paper, upon every public character who was not of his own sentiments, and to hold up to popular resentment every advocate for peace, is in a rage that the popular effervescence should take a contrary direction, and that he should be almost the only object of popular irascibility. We disapprove entirely both the attacks of this writer on public and private characters, and the attack of the populace on his dwelling-house; yet, reflecting on the conduct of the two parties, we cannot avoid observing, that Nec lex est justior ulla, The writer of these letters declares that he has ceased to be the editor of the Porcupine since the 21st of November 1801; and we trust that the English press will never again be disgraced with such effusions of malice and resentment, couched in the lowest and vilest terms. Letters like these before us may be written without end, with a book of maps and the news-papers on the table; and the writer, from whom is extorted a curse in spite of philosophy and religion, because the name of Otto precedes that of Hawkesbury, might, if cursing did not seem to be his delight, be relieved from this vexation by learning that there are always two copies of a treaty signed and that in the other copy the reverse would take place. ART. 15.-Letters to the Right Honourable Henry Addington, Chancellor of his Majesty's Exchequer, on the fatal Effects of the Peace with Bonaparte; particularly with respect to the Colonies, the Commerce, the Manufactures, and the Constitution of the United Kingdom. By WilEam Cobbett. 8vo. 35. Cobbett and Morgan. 1802. Mr. Cobbett is in a terrible passion with Mr. Addington for making peace with the French republic. He talks of the right of examining into the conduct of a minister, and communicating to his fellow-subjects the result of his examination; yet he should recollect the asperity of his language against all who, in far milder terms than those in which these letters are couched, ventured to call in question the policy or justice of the war, or the conduct of the ex-minister. Mr. Cobbett also is excessively angry with sir F. M. Eden, whom, from his style and his notion of commerce and politics, he takes to be some pedagogue out of place.' We will not venture to decide between these rival politicians-Arcades ambo; and very few of our readers, we are convinced, will be at the trouble of reading the lucubrations of either on the good or bad effects of a peace with Bonaparte. ART. 16.-The Speech of the Right Honourable William Windham, delivered in the House of Commons, Wednesday Nov. 4, 1801, on the Report of an Address to the Throne, approving of the Preliminaries of Peace with the Republic of France. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Cobbett and Morgan. 1801. The speaker is a complete alarmist, and would have war, perpetual war with France-to what effectual purpose (for all the old galima tias on religion, social order, the deliverance of Europe, &c. has lost its influence with parliament and people) we cannot from this speech possibly discover. The best answer to it is to be extracted from the speaker's own words • When I look at the conduct of the French revolutionary rulers, as compared with that of their opponents; when I see the gran deur of their designs, the wisdom of their plans, the steadiness of their execution, their boldness in acting, their constancy in enduring, their contempt. of all smail obstacles and temporary embarrassments, their inflexible determination to perform such and such things, and the powers which they have displayed in acting up to that determi nation; when I contrast these with the narrow views, the paltry in terests, the occasional expedients, the desultory and wavering conduct, the want of all right feeling and just conception, that charac terise so generally the governments and nations opposed to them, I confess I sink down in despondency, and am fain to admit, that if they shall have conquered the world, it will be by qualities by which they deserve to conquer it.'. P. 42. If the speaker desponds in the vigorous efforts of the government of which he was so principal a part, we cannot at any rate be worse off by the peace; and lives and fortunes will no longer be risked in a fruitless contest. But in peace we may be destroyed by an intercourse with France! French morality will be our ruin!-as if it were possible for republican France to pour in upon us more atheism, more debauchery, more sensuality, than we received from her under her monarchy; and in a country where such efforts have been made to establish a pic-nic society, it does not become us to speak in very high terms of the purity of our morals. The mischief has been done, we fear, by the French already introduced amongst us, whose manners are more easy, and assuredly of not less dangerous imitation, than those of the republicans. ART. 17.-Eight Letters on the Peace, and on the Commerce and Manufactures of Great-Britain. By Sir Frederick Morton Eden, Bart. 8vo. 35. 6d. Wright. 1802. These letters made their first appearance in public in the Porcupine, with whose editor the author is not in unison on the subject of the peace. The great question is very little assisted by a quantity of uninteresting matter, dry detail, and tables, from which no facts of material importance can be collected. The lesson to be derived from the useless and bloody struggle in which we have been engaged, is, that a vigorous resistance has enabled Britain -to maintain her independence, and, by the sacrifice of a part, to render the remainder of her wealth more valuable and more improveable! May she gratefully recollect that the revolutionary system which she has opposed has not forced her to surrender her commerce to preserve her constitution, and that the cessation of hostilities does not call on her to surrender her constitution to preserve her commerce. They both may, they both will, flourish together; and when, at some future period, the feverish ambition of mankind shall compel her to unsheath the sword, her constitution and her com merce will again supply her both with motives and with means to prosecute the contest until it can again be terminated with safety and with honour.' r. 131. Thus concludes a work which at its commencement informed us, that, by our attempt to thrust a constitution down the throats of the French, a debt of three hundred millions has been incurred,'— a sum, the annual interest of which is greater than the annual gains. of all our commerce, if the returns of our merchants to the incometax are to be depended upon. That the constitution has not been surrendered in this conflict, may be doubted: at any rate, the most valuable part of it, the habeas corpus act, was surrendered; and its may be justly doubted also, whether, like the Bank, it has not lost the sanctity of its character for ever. ART. 18. Considerations concerning Peace. By a Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Hatchard. The object of this pamphlet was to induce the people to petition for peace; and the people are supposed to be almost unanimous in favour of Mr. Pitt. His dismission from office, and the silence into which he has sunk, clearly prove the error of the latter opinion, as not one mark of disapprobation of the measure has occurred in any part of the united kingdom. That the people were almost unanimous for peace, is evident from the universal joy with which the first tidings of it were received throughout the country. This writer has, moreover, the merit of estimating with some degree of precision the attachment that was supposed to have subsisted between Mr. Pitt and his majority in parliament. The majority which government at present commands in the house of commons, are, in my humble opinion, of little comparative value, even in the eyes of the minister himself. The herd of courtiers and placemen which the stability of every government requires to be under the immediate influence of the existing ruler are attached -not to Mr. Pitt, but-to the chancellor of the exchequer these men are less actuated by gratitude than by interest.', P. 2. ART. 19.-Three Words to Mr. Pitt, on the War, and on the Peace. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Ridgeway. 1801. In these Three Words to Mr. Pitt are many excellent observations on his conduct as a minister in general, on the war, and on the peace. The work is written in an easy plain familiar style, and the justice of the remarks is not at all invalidated by the playful humour with which at times it abounds. The real nature of the war is explained in a few words, which may be easily remembered. It was a regular conflict of five-and-twenty millions of men, to recover from an individual those rights which in darker days had been usurped from them, and concentrated and exercised, for a long time, by a particular family, so as to have created an opinion that, from the first origin of society, they had been entitled to no other rights than what that favoured family had been pleased to impart to them.' P. 55. On the peace the writer's sentiments are equally appropriate and just. -The peace itself was as good a compromise of a bad bargain as any man had a right to expect.' It is true,' (the writer adds, with a proper apostrophe to the exminister,) we got neither indemnity nor security, we effected not one of the objects of the war; but that, I admit, was not your fault ;you paid well as long as you could get any body to fight for money, and still scolded against Bonaparte, when every other power was sileuced; you did all that a brave man could do to cripple, ruin, and |