of the provincial Legislatures), the ability to arrange a redistribution of seats and modification of the franchise, also for party purposes, and, generally, to manipulate the authority of the Governor-General (by the bestowal of honours or otherwise), unrestrained by public opinion.

Without relying altogether on this judgment, it is clear that the above-mentioned dangers actually exist in the Canadian Constitution-as they must in any constitution where an external monarchical form is not fully counterbalanced by a sturdy public opinion in a democratic sense. The contrast between the United States and Canada in this respect is very strong, and the conclusion is not that the States Constitution would be more suitable for Canada, but that Canada suffers through the want of a strong counterbalancing public opinion. There is more centralization in Canada than in the United States; the Government has a greater power of intervention; the criminal law of the whole Dominion is in its hands, as well as the law of marriage and divorce, and the appointment of judges, governors, and life-senatorships. In these and other minor points the Constitution of Canada differs from that of her neighbour on the south; so that, with less of local selfgovernment, and more of party manipulation from the centre, the Dominion is held by some to occupy an unstable position.

As the Canadians have copied the British Parliamentary system, so their parties are divided to some extent by the British lines of cleavage. The Conservatives (who have been in power for many years) talk most of the imperial connection, of federation with the mother country, and of protection for internal industries, whilst titular honours seem to fall in their way, or are accepted by them, more

frequently than is the case with their opponents. The Liberals, or Grits, are more democratic, and can speak and think with more coolness about ultimate independence. Since the insurrection of Louis Riel they have been in sympathy with the French; whilst in regard to protection the majority of the party have practically adopted the Conservative policy. The Irish party is very strong; the Roman Catholics represent more than one-third of the entire population; the Methodists, who stand next, can act together if occasion requires; and the Prohibitionists, the greatest of the parties having special political aims, are becoming more thoroughly organized every year.

India.

The difficulty of British relations with Russia, Russia and arising out of the approximation of Russian conquests to the Indian Empire, are of long standing; but there is reason to think that the delimitation of the Afghan frontier, finally settled at St. Petersburg in 1887, will be followed by a better state of feeling between the two countries, as well as amongst the inhabitants of the district lately in dispute. Great Britain has now no cause of quarrel with Russia. Meanwhile the Indian Government has received from two or three of the native Princes very generous offers of treasure for the express purpose of strengthening the fortifications of the north-west frontier.

A somewhat serious difficulty arose at the South Cape out of a Registration Act passed in 1887, Africa. which in one of its clauses practically disfranchised a large number of Kaffir, Fingo, and Hottentot voters. The facts of the matter are simple. The Constitution Ordinance of 1853 confers a joint occupation vote wherever "the total value of the premises, when divided by the number of joint occupiers, shall yield for every joint occupier" an annual

value of £25. Now the 17th section of the Act of 1887 declares that "no person shall be entitled to be registered as a voter by reason of his sharing in any communal or tribal occupation." A considerable number of natives have, as a matter of fact, been put upon the registers for communal or tribal occupation, and by the new Act they are deprived of their votes. Their case is hard, even if they were not originally entitled to be placed on the registers; and in regard to this point there has been some difference of opinion. "Communal or tribal occupation " implies the joint occupation of a Government "location" or reserve. The members of these communities are subject to the laws of the Colony, occupying plots of land, and paying taxes; but there would manifestly be a difficulty in proving the £25 qualification. The Cape Government considered that the voting of the location natives (as distinguished from individual native settlers, whether single or joint occupiers) had been attended by great abuses, and that the stricter interpretation of the Ordinance of 1853 was necessary in the public interest; and they strongly insisted upon their local legislative responsibility. The Home Government was urged, on behalf of the disfranchised natives, to disallow the Act, but it was unwilling to dispute the competence of the Cape Legislature in a matter of constitutional interpretation and declared public policy, especially after the leading politicians of the Cape had gone so far as to state that the disallowance of the Act would "be found to involve the question of free government."

The tendency towards union in the various South African States has recently declared itself in a somewhat conspicu ous manner. In August the Cape Assembly discussed and approved a proposal for a conference with the Republic and

Free State, intended to pave the way for a Customs Union. In October the Presidents of the two Boer States met at Bloemfontein and discussed a proposal to effect a junction through the Orange territory of the Delagoa Bay railway with a Cape line running southwards from the frontier to the sea. At this meeting President Brand spoke favourably of the idea of Confederation, declaring that it had been brought within the domain of practical politics by the recent discoveries of gold. In the meantime the new Republic of Zululand has been absorbed by the Transvaal Republic; and the remainder of the country has been annexed by Great Britain. In Natal a demand has been formulated for the concession of a separate "responsible government." A motion to this effect in the Legislative Council was from motives of policy withheld from discussion.

Australia.

In New South Wales, legislative action has been taken for the establishment of a more comprehensive system of local government. A Bill providing for the payment of members of the Assembly was rejected in the Council by a vote of 30 to 9; and another, extending the grounds of divorce so as to include desertion, cruelty, habitual drunkenness, and conviction of crime, separately or combined, was reserved for Her Majesty's consideration-as is usual with all Bills touching upon matters of religious controversy. The financial policy of the Colony is reverting to the free trade principles of which it was formerly a staunch supporter, although the discussion is still vigorously maintained. In the summer session 120 lines were struck out of the tariff of ad valorem duties, and it has since been declared that public confidence has been established, and that the prospects of the country are full of encouragement.

In Victoria the protective system has been further strengthened, additional duties being laid on timber, sugar, and other imported articles. Attempts have been made to pave the way for intercolonial free trade in Australasia, combined with protection as against all other countries. Victorian politics have been lively if not important. The most interesting measure which came under discussion in the Assembly was one for the amendment of the criminal law, based on a Massachusetts Act which permits the courts, dealing with juvenile offenders under twenty-one years of age, to release them on recognizances after a first conviction, on condition that if convicted a second time they may be punished for the first offence.

The financial condition of New Zealand presents a very serious aspect. Revenue has diminished, and it has been found necessary to effect retrenchments in the ordinary expenditure to the amount of £300,000. This saving was contrived by a reduction of the salaries and allowances of the Governors and Ministers, and of the number of Ministers. The number of members of the House of Representatives and their pay are also cut down, and the same steps are being taken with the Civil Service. The cost of the departments generally, including those of Education and Defence, is to be reduced. Another form of proposed retrenchment is to curtail the subsidies to local bodies, and to repeal the Crown and Native Land Rating Act. Reductions amounting to £71,000 only are possible during the current year, but with this saving, and with an increase of the property tax to one penny, the deficit in March next is estimated at £100,000. Meanwhile the Government brought in measures dealing with the transfer of land, the self-adjustment of Parliamentary representation