"in me, and to which no power shall force me. "Let them submit to my mercy, and they shall be happy-the word of a monarch, able to appreciate "honour, has its weight," &c.

Lubecki remained at St. Petersburgh. Jezierski returned to Warsaw on the 13th of January, with the above letter, commented upon by the autocrat. Meeting on his way back a considerable number of Russian troops, he was so struck with alarm, that, on entering Poland, he did not scruple to say, that the Russians, with their tschakoes alone, would beat the Poles, and for this coward expression he narrowly escaped hanging at several post stations. This discouraging intelligence aggravated the general dissatisfaction with the man who had so long held the insurrection in bonds. The popular displeasure vented itself in rumours of an ultra revolution, and Lelewel, the antiquarian, was pointed out as its author. Colonel Dobrzanski accused him to the Dictator, who ordered both the denunciator and the denounced to be arrested. The National Council, on this outrage being offered to one of its members, tendered its resignation; but, fortunately, the whole affair proved to be merely an invention of some friend of the Dictator, and it dropped without entailing any serious consequences.

On the 16th, the Committee of Surveillance waited on Chlopicki, to learn his opinion of the intelligence received from St. Petersburgh. He abruptly declared he would no longer retain his power, as the praises

bestowed on him by the emperor might diminish the confidence reposed in him by the public. He advised that the negociations should be pursued through the mediation of Prussia, and even refused to lead the army into the field, as, when opposed to the giant force of Russia, it must, in his opinion, inevitably be vanquished in the first encounter. The catastrophe, he concluded, obvious as it was, would, however, be imputed to him alone, and might cast upon him the stigma of treachery. Some of the Committee then observed, that when assuming the dictatorship he had not calculated upon a diminution of the national forces, and that he ought not now to withdraw from it the powerful support of his talents. Still more irritated, Chlopicki repeated that he would not command, as, in case of defeat, he should be called a traitor. Another member then suggested the augmentation of the ranks by scythemen :-" Command thou thy scythemen, for I will "not," cried the Dictator, absolutely furious; and, losing all self-control, he added:-" If young men "can conscientiously believe themselves absolved "from their oath, I, for my part, shall remain faith"ful to the sovereign :" and, with these words, he resigned the dictatorship, which he professed to have taken with the sole object of saving the country from civil anarchy. Prince Czartoryski endeavoured to induce him to retain at least the military command, and was warmly seconded by Ledochowski. “I

"should be a scoundrel in doing so," cried Chlopicki, still much agitated; on which Ledochowski observed to him, that he would then be obliged to serve as a private. "Well, Ledochowski," rejoined the Dictator, "I will so fight, but thou must do it also." His rage exceeded all bounds: he struck the door so violently with his fist, that it gave away. All present were amazed at his conduct, and Prince Czartoryski observed, "C'est le soldat le plus mal " élevé que j'aie vu." Their remonstrances at length calmed him, and he dismissed the delegates with civility. The following day, the Committee of Surveillance made another effort to persuade him to retain the command of the army, but in vain. He would only consent to remaining unconditional Dictator, and was in consequence compelled to resign. Meantime his physician sent to conjure the government not to give him any appointment, on the plea that he was actually labouring under insanity; but this was afterwards proved to have been merely an artifice for the purpose of saving his life, which was in no small danger from the popular indignation. The Academical Guards, in particular, could not forgive his having so long abused the confidence of the nation; but Colonel Szyrma interposed, and his influence persuaded these youths to spare the man whom they had so much honoured, and whose obstinacy, however fatal in its effects, proceeded from conscientious motives. They contented themselves

with confining him as a prisoner in his own residence, where he amused his captivity by reading novels.

It must be recorded, to the honour of the Poles, that, in this hour of abandonment by him whom they had idolized as their only deliverer, their courage did not sink, but that their energy rose with the increasing danger. A total change of opinion ensued, however, respecting the form of government to be adopted. Their confidence in man was gone, since Chlopicki, in whom they had reposed unlimited trust, had not only disappointed the general expectation, but was even deprived of his senses, as it was reported in Warsaw and throughout the country. Not a single individual, therefore, but an inert institution, a Diet of one hundred and fifty dictators, was to be the nation's pilot in her passage from death to life. Fatal change the unhappy consequence of Chlopicki's non-use of the power entrusted to him.

The Diet was opened by Prince Czartoryski on the 19th. All the deputies and senators signed the manifesto of the Polish nation to Europe, after which Roman Soltyk moved that it should be completed. The first article deprived the family of Romanoff of the Polish crown; the second absolved all Poles from their oath of fidelity to Russia ; and the third proclaimed the sovereignty of the Polish nation. A profound silence of some minutes followed the reading of this motion, which was broken by the Deputy Morozewicz, proposing to refer it to the

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210

ELECTION OF THE GENERALISSIMO.

consideration of a Committee. At the next sitting, the Diet elected out of seven candidates Prince Radziwill Generalissimo of the Army. Considerations of policy determined this choice, the Prince being related to the Royal family of Prussia, and having great influence in Lithuania, where he was proprietor of vast estates. But a still more weighty reason with the Diet was the conviction that Chlopicki would assist no other than the Prince with his advice. Radziwill briefly acknowledged the honour with, "Such as I have been, such I shall be;" and expressed his willingness to resign as soon as an abler warrior should be found. On the 24th they settled the privilege and degree of power with which the generalissimo was to be invested. He was authorized to appoint officers up to the rank of colonels. to institute courts-martial, to confer military decorations, and to have a seat in the government, with a casting vote on military subjects. He could be dismissed only by the Diet. Not even in the time of the greatest liberty had the Diet ever appointed a generalissimo. An insurrectionary government ought to watch, map in hand, every step of the general-inchief, and have power to dismiss him, if necessary, even on the field of battle. But such salutary provisions were overlooked by the Diet on this occasion. At the same meeting, Lelewel presented a petition from a considerable number of Lithuanians and Volhynians then in Warsaw, that their countries might be admitted to share the struggle for the independence