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"concession on the part of the sovereign, but resulting "from a solemn contract between him and the

people-be finally refused, the nation was prepared "to risk all for the accomplishment of its dearest "wish-national independence." Urged, however, by Prince Czartoryski, not to depend too much on negociation, Chlopicki now began to introduce some useful reforms in the old army, and ordered several detachments to march towards Lithuania. He also showed himself oftener in public, and visited the fortress of Modlin. These indications of approaching war were hailed with joy by the citizens, who offered to equip a third regiment, to be called " "The "Children of Warsaw;" and the women proposed forming themselves into three companies, to follow the army, and in case of need, to contribute their assistance. But this idea not being approved either by their countrymen or the Dictator, they organised a society under the presidency of Madame Hoffman Tanska (eminent by her literary productions), for the care of the sick and wounded; and all ranks, whether of the city or country, occupied themselves in preparing lint and other necessaries. Chlopicki also turned his attention to the means of procuring arms, and offered large premiums to those who should furnish them. In spite of a formal prohibition, some thousand stand of muskets had been imported from Austria. He also issued an order, that all the church bells which could be dispensed with should be converted into cannon, and the arsenal was in conse

quence soon stocked with metal. But, as under the Russian government, the manufacture of arms had been prohibited, much delay arose in the casting, owing to the inexpertness of the workmen, which was unjustly attributed by the public to secret disloyalty, and Chlopicki's neglect. Other complaints were also made of him. The Lithuanians resident in Warsaw had repeatedly solicited him to send troops to insurrectionize their province, or at least to allow them to organise a legion from amongst themselves, to which request he had always given the discouraging reply, that he had not cartridge for them. Many natives of Austrian Galicia, and of the Grand Duchy of Posen, particularly the collegians of Cracow, came to Warsaw to join the insurrection, a step which much displeased the Dictator, as endangering his pending negociations; and so determined was he on sending them back, that they were obliged to enter the city by stealth.

The public dissatisfaction was embittered by the continuance in office of many persons known formerly as Russian partisans, and the murmurs, at first only whispered, finally broke out in the very hearing of the dictator. Colonel Szyrma, one of his greatest supporters, then established a Court of Tribunes, to be chosen from among the academical guard. Their office was to discover and denounce to government such of the public functionaries who were either indifferent, or half-Russianized. Many trembled lest the noble youths should prove so many bloody St.

Justs; but Szyrma's popularity was so great, that even the Dictator thought it advisable to permit this bold innovation, and to promote its success. Szyrma commenced the publication of a periodical paper, called "The Journal of the Guard of Honour." His example was followed by others; and the number of such periodicals in Warsaw which, previous to the insurrection, did not exceed eight, soon increased to thirty, amongst which the Polish Courier, edited by several distinguished political writers, held undisputed pre-eminence. All these literary pugilists, from first to last, aimed their blows at the dictatorship, destroying, piece by piece, that power so admirably calculated to meet the emergency. But whilst Chlopicki's inactivity continued to be the theme of animadversion, the press found a fresh object for its bitterness in a proclamation published by Nicholas on the 18th of December, commencing thus:-" Poles! an ❝ infamous attempt has troubled the peace of your "country. Men, who dishonour the Polish name, have conspired against the brother of your sovereign, have trampled upon oaths, and blinded the people to the dearest interests of your coun

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try." After thus stigmatizing the authors of the insurrection, the autocrat further commanded, 1st. All Russians, prisoners of the insurrection, to be set at liberty; 2nd. The council of administration to reassume its functions; 3rd. All the other authorities to pay it implicit obedience ;

4th. All the troops to assemble at Plock, and there await further orders; 5th. The new levies to be immediately disbanded, and their arms delivered up to the proper authorities, &c. &c. Even the insulting and arrogant tone of this proclamation, which caused every patriot to thrill with indignation, did not suffice to awaken Chlopicki from his torpor, and to dispel the visions of peace which entranced him. At the very outbreak of the insurrection, its supporters formed two classes; each animated by a spirit entirely opposed to that of the other. The one panted to march on-still on,-the other desired first to look around. The dictatorship was hailed by both; and Chlopicki, therefore, had it in his power to destroy the germ of disunion, by directing each to important objects. But, pent up in the streets of Warsaw, the insurrection was doomed either to languish, or to prey upon itself; internal discord became unavoidable, and parties fatal to the cause arose. Differences of opinion as to the best means of delivering the country, gradually became the distinctive marks of certain ranks and classes of society. Their origin may be discovered in the political changes which Poland had undergone since her partition, and should rather be viewed as so many projects for re-conquering the national independence, than considered as social theories.

Some descendants of the ancient families still survived, forming a tie between the old Poland and the young; when the latter burst her chains,

ancient Poland rose with her, the grave of her thoughts opened. Prince Czartoryski, a descendant of the glorious dynasty of Jagellons, impersonates that sacred tie between the two worlds of Poland. Nobles without the privileges of caste, without court or courtiers, often impoverished by the stranger, sometimes distinguished, but never rendered more illustrious by the title of German Count or Baron*, they still enjoy an influence in Poland such as is elsewhere exercised only by a patrician or monied aristocracy. Many were there who, without questioning whether the government proceeded well or not, espoused the cause sanctioned by the names of a Czartoryski or a Radziwill, &c., &c. These were now designated as aristocrats. Possessed of material as well as moral influence, if the existence of a party could have been admitted, they constituted the only national one. -As during the reign of Napoleon, there had never been time for debates, which, besides, must have proved unavailing, no parliamentary reputation had survived the period of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw; but the Diet of the constitutional kingdom could boast of

*There is no titled nobility in Poland, except a few princely families. According to Polish law, every nobleman assuming a foreign title lost the rights of citizenship. Eques Polonus par omnibus, nemini secundus (Polish noble, equal to all, inferior to none). Every Polish noble is a baron of the German empire, according to a decree issued by the Emperor Leopold I., as acknowledgment of services rendered to him by the Poles under Sobieski.

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