Austria, upon the ultimate destiny of the duchy. He endeavoured, by every kind of intrigue, to force the Congress into acquiescence with his ambitious views. With this object he sent Constantine from Vienna to Warsaw, where, on the 11th of December, 1814, he issued a stirring patriotic proclamation, calling on them to arm for the defence of their fatherland; and admonishing them, "that only by un"bounded confidence in Alexander could they attain "that happy state which others would promise, but "which he alone could confer." The Congress, however, was not to be persuaded that the Poles would, from attachment to Alexander, decline freedom, power, and independence; and the rapacity of Russia caused such indignation, that on the 15th of February, 1815, a treaty, offensive and defensive, was secretly concluded between England, France, and Austria. A European war could alone have cut this Gordian knot, when the sudden landing of Napoleon from Elba, in March, changed the aspect of affairs, most fatally for Poland. The allies, who now regarded the smallest diminution of strength as ruinous to the common cause, and did not expect the new struggle to terminate without the aid of Russia, consented to propitiate Alexander by despoiling Poland. A sixth partition, therefore, took place, though under auspices more favourable to her regeneration at no very distant epoch. To Alexander were assigned three-fourths of the duchy of Warsaw (46,200 square miles), nicknamed the kingdom of Poland; to

Prussia, the Grand Duchy of Posen, with Thorn, Elbing, and Dantzic; and Austria retained Galicia, with the entire salt mines of Wieliczka. The city of Cracow, the ancient capital of Poland, with a territory annexed to it of 500 square miles, was declared free, independent, and strictly neutral.

The stipulations for the Poles were, that the kingdom to which the full enjoyment of the constitution was guaranteed, should be united to the Russian empire, the Czar being allowed to take the title of king only on this condition, but with liberty to confer on that state, possessing a distinct administration of its own, such extension of territory as he might judge expedient; in other words, to incorporate with it the other Polish provinces under his rule that the Polish subjects of the other contracting powers should also be respectively governed by liberal and national institutions,-that they should have representative governments, and, finally, that trade, and the navigation of all rivers and canals throughout the whole of the country, as it existed previous to 1772, should be thrown open to all Poles equally, of whatever government they might be the subjects.

Every expression of the several plenipotentiaries clearly shows that they did not themselves believe in any permanent realization of a scheme so truly Utopian, as that the Poles could exist as a nation, and enjoy all the privileges of nationality, except independence, under several govern

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ments, each following its respective line of policy. "Without retracting his former representations,” said Lord Castlereagh," he should urge on the partitioning powers to pursue a conduct which might do them "honour in the eyes of their Polish subjects, and guarantee their happiness; for the thwarting of "their nationality would only occasion revolts, and "awaken the remembrance of past misfortunes.

By that conduct, too, the fear may be removed that any danger to the liberty of Europe should "result from the union of Poland with the Russian

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empire, already so powerful-a danger, which "would not be imaginary, if the military force of "the two countries should ever be united under the "command of an ambitious and warlike monarch."

Prince Metternich's protest was yet more remarkable" The conduct of the Emperor of Austria "can have left no doubt in the mind of the allied powers, that the re-establishment of Poland as

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an independent state would have fully accomplished the wishes of his Imperial Majesty; and "that he would have been willing to make the greatest sacrifices to promote the restoration of that ancient " and beneficial arrangement.......Austria has never considered free and independent Poland as an “ inimical or rival power, and the principles upon "which his illustrious predecessor acted were aban"doned only under the pressure of circumstances,

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which the sovereigns of Austria had it not in "their power to controul."

The moral view taken by Prince Talleyrand, was of a higher order, when, with all the authority of genius, he observed, "that the partition of Poland was the prelude, the cause, and perhaps an apology for the commotions to which Europe "had been exposed; and, in order to prevent them "for the future, it was necessary to restore to complete independence the Polish nation, so worthy of regard by its antiquity, its valour, its misfortunes, and the services it has rendered to the "world." In short, the language of Europe seemed to be," so long as you continue to be Poles, I am "secure ;" and thus sanctioned the object of the insurrection of 1830, fifteen years before its occurrence. Alexander praised the generosity of the Congress, and expressed the satisfaction he felt in fully concurring with the liberal sentiments expressed by Lord Castlereagh. The decision of the Congress gave much uneasiness to Kosciuszko, who, however, still fancying he perceived some hope for Poland in the article of the treaty empowering Alexander to give an internal extension to the kingdom, which of course implied the reunion of Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraina, requested the Czar to give him some further information on that head. But Alexander had gained his point, and no longer deemed him worthy of an answer. With a bleeding heart Kosciuszko then addressed a letter to Prince Adam Czartoryski (June 1815), in which, amongst other things, he thus wrote:-" I will not act without

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some guarantee on behalf of my country, nor " will I be deluded by false hopes. I hardly know “what warrant I have but my own ardent desires, "for the expectation that he (Alexander) will fulfil "his promise to me, and to so many of my countrymen, by extending the frontiers of Poland to "the Dwina and the Dnieper; such an arrange"ment would establish some sort of proportion, in strength and numbers, between ourselves and the Russians, and so contribute to mutual respect "and firm friendship." "We had the Emperor's "sacred word that this union should take place. May Providence be your guide! For my own part, as I can no longer be of any service to my country, I shall take refuge in Switzerland." Kosciuszko's refusal to go to Poland was a reproof to the duplicity of Alexander, who retaliated by stigmatising the virtuous patriot, as an indolent old man.

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