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object, still the form and the manner in which this is done would then be perfectly unmeaning and absurd. It would have been much more natural to introduce the main subject at once, and then, after the internal existence of the state had been described, to say in what the justice and discretion of such a whole consist; and then the application to the individual mind, and the ethical problems, still unsolved in this point of view, would have resulted most naturally; consequently, a perfectly converse relation between those two grand objects and the essential parts of the work referring to them must then have obtained."3

Morgenstern, whose arguments are abridged and represented with much ingenuity by Stallbaum, arrives, after a lengthened discussion, at the conclusion, that Plato's design was to develope the nature of justice and of virtue in general, first in the abstract, and secondly in their operation on human happiness. And this question, which has afforded so many opportunities of disputation to the learned of Germany, had already, as we learn from Proclus, exercised for ages the abilities of the ancients themselves.5 Muretus, too, who has left behind him a commentary on the first and second books of the Republic, enters at the very outset into the atque eam ob causam non περὶ πολιτείας, sed περὶ δικαιοσύνης librum suum inscripsisse arbitrati sunt, ii eodem jure Aristotelem, quum de politicis scriberet, non politicam, sed ethicam docere voluisse dicerent."—Pref. ad Arist. Pol. p. xi.

3 Introduction to the Dialogues of Plato. 407 f.

* De Argument. et Cons. Lib. Plat. de Repub. t. iii. p. 20. 5 Comment. ad Plat. Polit. p. 309. ff.

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same discussion, and contends that the philosopher's object was twofold, but terminating at length in unity; that is, that his reasoning is designed to show the nature of justice and of good government, which, when properly understood, are but one and the same thing. And this, in fact, is the view which Stallbaum himself adopts, though he makes use of different language in embodying his notion, observing that Plato, notwithstanding that he sets out with investigating the nature of justice, evidently proposes to lay before the reader his beau ideal of a good citizen and a perfect state; that is, a man and a government actuated on all occasions by the strict principles of justice.7

A great deal of useless ingenuity has been exhibited in this investigation. Plato everywhere throughout his works advocates the doctrine that the object of government is the greatest happiness of the greatest number; and in the "Republic" undertakes to show upon what basis a polity designed to secure that must be erected, and what form it ought to assume. He, however, approaches the subject in his usual way, through digression and a seemingly rambling dialogue, light at first as air, but rapidly assuming solidity, and shaping

6 M. Ant. Muret. Comment. p. 615. ff.

7 De Argum. et Consil. &c. iii. 26. "Quum enim omnis fere disputatio, licet a justicia notione exploranda proficiscatur, tamen in describenda indole et natura tum optimi hominis tum perfectæ civitatis contineatur, dubitari non posco arbitramur, quin in hac ipsa re præcipuam questionem versari putare debeamus."

So

itself into an elevated and majestic form. crates, who afterwards turns out to be the builder of the state, descends to the Peiræeos, in company with Glaucon, the son of Ariston, for the purpose of performing his devotions to Artemis, and beholding the Bendidia, a splendid festival celebrated in honour of that goddess. When about to return, he is accidentally met and detained by Polemarchos, brother of the orator Lysias, who takes him to the house of their father Kephalos. Here a remarkably pleasing conversation takes place between Socrates and the old man, which gives us a high idea of the polished manners and amiable character of Athenian gentlemen.

The first topic upon which they start is old age; from this the transition is easy to the means by which old age may be rendered comfortable, among which wealth holds a prominent place; this conducts the discussion to the subject of a good conscience, then of justice, by the practice of which a good conscience is preserved. It is shown that to be just forms the basis of individual happiness; that that which renders one man happy, must be equally succesful when applied to many men-to all men; conseqently, that justice constitutes the happiness of states as of individuals. Hence they pass to the consideration of the nature and form of a state, and how it may be administered on just principles; in other words, rendered prosperous and happy.

When the discussion opens there are eleven individuals present, reckoning Kephalos, who, how

his cause.

ever, soon departs to superintend certain religious rites. But of the ten who remain, few take an active part in what is going forward. There is at first a rush, as it were, of many champions to defend injustice and tyranny against the attacks of Socrates, and the old man feigns to be alarmed for But by degrees their ardour finds itself checked. The philosopher, whom but a short time before it seemed so easy to overcome, having yielded to the fierce storm of sophistical opposition, returns to the charge, brandishes the arms of an irresistible logic, dislodges them first from one position, then from another, until at length the patrons of tyranny in full rout are driven ignominiously from the field. Then, the ground being cleared, he proceeds to frame his Commonwealth, in a manner totally different from that of polity-builders in general, exhibiting as he proceeds the mode in which society rises out of its elements, as well as the formation, first principles, and gradual developement of go

vernment.

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In following out this process many notions are advanced questionable in themselves, or objectionable from their extreme opposition to the opinions current in society. Such, for example, as the community of wives and children, and of property, which, though, as has been proved by Sparta and the kingdom of the Nairs, it might be reduced to practice without any material inconvenience, must yet on moral grounds be condemned. But, pass

Rep. V. §. §. 6, 7. 1. 348. ff.-Stallbaum.

ing over this, as unnecessary to be dwelt upon here, I may remark that, however defective the regulations respecting the moral relations of the sexes, children once born are cared for, nurtured, trained, and invested with habits ethical and intellectual, in a manner surpassing whatever has been anywhere else attempted, whether in a real or ideal community. In fact, Plato's system of education practically developed, would, in the course of a few generations, give birth to a race of human beings exceeding in physical force and beauty, in moral grandeur, in political power, in social happiness, everything hitherto known in the form of man. Communities in general bestow no attention on the circumstances connected with the physical formation of their citizens. They appear to consider it of no moment whether the population be powerful or feeble, of good stature or stunted, beautiful or deformed. Or, if such subjects do at wide intervals command some attention from the reflecting few, their meditations have hitherto been barren of great results; for no state, so far as I am aware, has in modern times effected anything towards improving the breed of men, though it be on all hands acknowledged that health and vigour of body exercise an important influence over the intellectual capacity and moral habits of mankind.

Plato, in common with most ancient legislators, attributes extraordinary influence to education; and accordingly, his regulations on the subject are minute and numerous, but calculated of course to create citizens fitted to live in a commonwealth

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