ford is far too gay a place for me now ever to goe near it, but my brothers are much there, and father in his farm, and mother in her kitchen; and the neighbors, when they call, look on me strangelie, so that I have noe love for them. How different is Rose's holy, secluded, yet cheerefulle life at Sheepscote ! She hath a nurserie now, soe cannot come to me, and father likes not I should goe to her. April 5.-They say their Majestyes' parting at Abingdon was very sorrowfulle and tender. The Lord send them better times! The Queen is to my mind a most charming lady, and well worthy of his M' affection; yet it seems to me amisse, that thro' her influence, last summer, y opportunitie of pacification was lost. But she was elated, and naturallie enoughe, at her personall successes from y time of her landing. To me, there seems nothing soe good as peace. I know indeede, Mr. Milton holds that there may be such things as a holy war and a cursed peace. -What, and if I had begged as hard, at y first, to goe back to Mr. Milton? might he not have consented then ? * Soe Harry took me; and as we drew neare Sheepscote, I was avised to think how grave, how barelie friendlie had beene our last parting; and to ponder, would Rose make me welcome now? The infant, Harry tolde me, had been dead some dayes; and as we came in sight of y little grey old church, we saw a knot of people coming out of ye churchyard, and guessed y baby had just beene buried. Soe it proved-Mr. Agnew's house-door stood ajar; and when we tapped softlie, and Cicely admitted us, we could see him standing by Rose, who was sitting on y grave and crying as if she would not be comforted. When she hearde my voice, she started up, flung her arms about me, crying more bitterlie than before, and I cried too; and Mr. Agnew went away with Harry. Then Rose sayd to me, "You must not leave me agayn." In y cool of ye evening, when Harry had left us, she took me into y churchApril 10.-Father, having a hoarseness, hath yarde, and scattered y little grave with flowers; deputed me, of late, to read y morning and even- and then continued sitting beside it on the grasse, ing prayers. How beautifulle is our Liturgie! quiete, but not comfortlesse. I am avised to think I grudge at y Puritans for having abolished it; and she prayed. Then Mr. Agnew came forthe and though I felt not its comprehensive fullnesse sate on a flat tombstone hard by; and without one before I married, nor indeed till now, yet I wea- word of introduction took out his Psalter, and ried to death in London at y puritanicall ordinan- commenced reading the Psalms for that evening's ces and conscience-meetings and extempore pray-service; to wit, the 41st, the 42d, and 43de; in a ers, wherein it was so oft y speaker's care to show men how godly he was. Nay, I think Mr. Milton altogether wrong in yo view he takes of praying to God in other men's words; for doth he not doe soe, everie time he followeth the sense of another man's extempore prayer, wherein he is more at his mercy and caprice than when he hath a printed form set down, wherein he sees what is coming? June 8.-Walking in the home-close this morning, it occurred to me that Mr. Milton intended bringing me to Forest Hill about this time; and if I had abided patientlie with him through y winter, we might now have beene both here happily together; untroubled by that sting which now poisons everie enjoyment of mine, and perhaps of his. Lord, be merciful to me a sinner! 23d.-Just after writing y above, I was in y garden, gathering a few coronation flowers and sops-in-wine, and thinking they were of deeper crimson at Sheepscote, and wondering what Rose was just then about, and whether had I beene born in her place, I shoulde have beene as goode and happy as she,-when Harry came up, looking somewhat grave. I sayd, "What is the matter?" He gave answer, "Rose hath lost her child." Oh !—that we should live but a two hours' journey apart, and that she coulde lose a child three months olde whom I had never seene? I ran to father, and never left off praying him to let me goe to her till he consented. solemne voice; and methoughte I never in my life hearde aniething to equall it in y way of consolation. Rose's heavie eyes graduallie lookt up from y ground into her husband's face, and thence up to heaven. After this, he read, or rather repeated, y collect at the end of the buriall service, putting this expression-" As our hope is, this our dear infant doth." Then he went on to say in a soothing tone, "There hath noe misfortune happened to us, but such as is common to the lot of alle men. We are alle sinners, even to y youngest, fayrest, and seeminglie purest among us; and death entered y world by sin, and, constituted as we are, we would not, even if we could, dispense with death. For, where doth it convey us? From this burthensome, miserable world, into y generall assemblie of Christ's first-born, to be united with ye spiritts of y° just made perfect, to partake of everie enjoyment which in this world is unconnected with sin, together with others that are unknowne and unspeakable. And there, we shall agayn have bodies as well as soules; eyes to see, but not to shed tears; voices to speak and sing, not to utter lamentations; hands, to doe God's work; feet, and it may be, wings, to carry us on his errands. Such will be y blessedness of his glorified saints; even of those who, having been servants of Satan till y eleventh hour, labored penitentlie and diligentlie for their heavenlie Master one hour before sunset; but as for those who, dying in mere infancie, never committed actuall sin, they follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth! Oh, think of this, dear Rose, and sorrow not as those without hope; for be assured, your child hath more reall reason to be grieved for you, than you for him.” With this, and like discourse, that distilled like y dew, or y small rain on the tender grasse, did Roger Agnew comfort his wife, until the moon had risen. Likewise he spake to us of those who lay buried arounde, how one had died of a broken heart, another of suddain joy, another had let patience have her perfect work through years of lingering disease. Then we walked slowlie and composedlie home, and ate our supper peacefullie, Rose not refusing to eat, though she took but little. Since that evening, she hath, at Mr. Agnew's wish, gone much among y poor, reading to one, working for another, carrying food and medicine to another; and in this I have borne her companie. I like it well. Methinks how pleasant and seemlie are y duties of a country minister's wife! ical Magazine was a periodical work very much tions so entitled, was treated as the most slight wanted; as poetry in most of the monthly producand uninteresting article." [POETICAL RESTRICTIONS AMONG THE ANCIENT WELSH.] [SCOTT OF AMWELL, THE QUAKER POET.] In a letter to the Duchess of Gordon, (1779,) Beattie says, "By the first convenient opportunity I hope to send your grace a sort of curiosity; four eloquent pastorals, by a Quaker; not one of our Quakers of Scotland, but a true English Quaker, who says thee and thou, and comes into a room and sits down in company, without taking off his hat. "IT were devoutly to be wished," said the ReFor all this he is a very worthy man, an elegant viewer of Pennant's Tour in Wales," that some of scholar, a cheerful companion, and a particular the following regulations respecting the Welsh pofriend of mine. His name is John Scott, of Am-etical graduates could be properly enforced to keep well, near Ware, Hertfordshire, where he lives in our present poetical Mohawks [1779] in a little an elegant retirement, (for his fortune is very good ;) order. They were prohibited from uttering any and has dug in a chalk hill, near his house, one of scandalous words in speech or whispers ; detracthe most curious grottoes I have ever seen. As it tion, mocking, scoffing, inventing lies, or repeating is only twenty miles from London, I would recom-them after others, under pain of fine and imprisonmend it to your grace, when you are there, as worth ment.' Nay, they were absolutely forbid to make going to visit. Your grace will be pleased with his a song of any person without his consent.'' pastorals, not only on account of their morality and sweet versification, but also for their images and descriptions, which are a very exact picture of the groves, woods, waters, and windmills, of that part of England where he resides."-Forbes' Life of Beattie, vol. 2, p. 40. · [ANSON'S VOYAGE.] "ONE who was on board the Centurion, in Lord Anson's voyage, having got some money in that expedition, purchased a small estate, about three miles from this town, (Aberdeen.) I have had,' says Beattie, several conversations with him on the subject of the voyage, and once I asked him whether he had ever read the history of it? He told me, he had read all the history, except the description of their sufferings during the run from Cape Horn to Juan Fernandez, which he said were so great that he durst not recollect nor think of them.'"-Forbes' Life of Beattie, vol. 1, p. 17. [HANDEL.] "I LATELY heard two anecdotes," says Beattie in a letter to Dr. Laing, 1780, "which deserve to be put in writing, and which you will be glad to hear. When Handel's Messiah was first performed, the audience were exceedingly struck and affected by the music in general: but when that chorus struck up, For the Lord God Omnipotent reigneth,' they were so transported, that they all, together with the king, (who happened to be present,) started up, and remained standing till the chorus ended: and hence it became the fashion in England for the audience to stand while that part of the music is performing. Some days after the first exhibition of the same divine oratorio, Mr. Handel came to pay his respects to Lord Kinnoul, with whom he was particularly acquainted. His lordship, as was natural, paid him some compliments on the noble entertainment which he had lately given the town. 'My Lord,' said Handel,' I should be sorry if I only entertained them; I wished to make them better.' "THE Poetical Calendar answered so well that These two anecdotes I had from Lord Kinnoul himat the close of the year (1767) the publishers an- self. You will agree with me, that the first does nounced a Poetical Magazine, price only sixpence, great honor to Handel, to music, and to the Engto be continued monthly. That poetry, they said, lish nation; the second tends to confirm my theory, has been too much neglected in the present age, and and Sir John Hawkins' testimony, that Handel, in that such neglect has shed its fatal influences on oth- spite of all that has been said to the contrary, must er sciences, is a melancholy truth! And the Poet-have been a pious man."-Forbes' Life of Beattie. [THE POETICAL MAGAZINE.] From the Examiner, of 4 August. FOREIGN POLICY. Divide et Impera is a maxim as ancient as his tory. The strength of absolutism consists in the want of union of its opponents. To prevent or to impair such union is therefore the policy of the school of politicians of which Metternich may be considered the head. The speech of Lord Palmerston on Hungary and Austria, which appeared likely to rally around him all sections of the liberals and many honest and moderate conservatives, boded no good to this party. It was dangerous to let it pass unattacked; and yet it seemed unassailable. The more cautious of their organs held warily aloof; and we find the forlorn hope led by a journal of liberal opinions. The line of attack taken is, not that Lord Palmerston is too liberal in his views, but that he is not liberal enough; that he is not prepared to make good his words by deeds, and to follow up the thunder of his eloquence by the thunder of cannon. From all which, the very necessary and satisfactory conclusion is to be derived, that it would be better to have some one at the head of the foreign office who would have neither words nor deeds for the cause of progress and humanity, but would use both against it. 66 The correctness of Lord Palmerston's statements with regard to Hungary and Austria is not impugned. It is most undeniable "that Austria, by the course of policy she has pursued, has identified herself with obstruction to progress." It is equally undeniable "that Hungary has for centuries been a state which, though united with Austria by the link of the crown, has nevertheless been separate and distinct from Austria by its own complete constitution." It is no less true that "the question" (i. e., the immediate question irrespective of results) now to be fought for on the plains of Hungary is this-whether Hungary shall continue to maintain a separate nationality as a distinct kingdom, and with a constitution of its own, or whether it is to be incorporated more or less in the aggregate constitution that is to be given to the Austrian empire?" It is no less true "that if Hungary should by superior forces be utterly crushed, Austria in that battle will have crushed her right arm" (and consequently must hopelessly and helplessly resign herself henceforth to be a vassal of the czar;) and "that if the Hungarians should be successful, and their success should end in the entire separation of Hungary from Austria, this will be such a dismemberment of the Austrian empire as will prevent Austria from continuing to occupy the great position she has hitherto held among European powers" (a result by no means to be deprecated, if in place of a decrepit state, which has identified itself with obstruction to progress, there should arise a vigorous and progressive state; a state, too, that would be the shield of Austria herself against Cossack aggression, and give her one more opportunity of developing her natural resources.) What, then, is the charge brought against Lord Palmerston? It is this-that he contented himself with expressing his matured and deliberate opinion upon a subject of the utmost moment to Great Britain, to Europe, to civilization itself, without at the same time "being ready to redeem his word with a host;” that is, without going at once to war. Now, we are afraid it would be a dangerous doctrine to lay down, that a nation ought to, or may, go to war in support of what she " counts good and just in politics." This was the doctrine of the first French republic; and we know its results. To justify a war there must be a casus belli. It is quite true that Austrian forces have invaded Hungary, without being invited by any legally-constituted authority in that country. Russian forces have done the same. But Hungary is not an ally of Great Britain. The sovereigns of Great Britain have been in alliance with the Emperors of Germany and Kings of Hungary, then with the Emperors of Austria and Kings of Hungary, so long as the crown of Hungary was worn by the same individual who wore the imperial crown of Germany or of Austria. But at present there is no legitimate King of Hungary (if any regard whatever is to be paid to the letter and the spirit of so many compacts between king and people of that nation;) and the de facto Hungarian government has not yet been recognized. Diplomatic relations subsist between the cabinet of St. James' and the Austrian cabinet; they do not subsist between the cabinet of St. James' and the Hungarian cabinet. According to international law, Hungary is a political nonentity with regard to Great Britain. If anything more than an attack upon Lord Palmerston is meant by those who employ the arguments adverted to, if they really feel any sympathy with the Hungarians, let them concur with us in urging the immediate recognition of the present de facto Hungarian government; a step which would be of incalculable benefit to the Hungarians, while neither Austria nor Russia could have the slightest ground to take umbrage We, who have always been the advocates of the Hungarian cause, demand this. We might also advise the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Hungary, a treaty which is offered by dulyaccredited envoys on the most liberal terms. But it does not follow that we should feel ourselves justified in recommending a war in support of the Hungarians, all-important as we think their success to the preservation of the balance of power, and the best interests of order, progress, civilization and commerce. at it. As for the possibility of "defining and limiting the occasions of intervention," and of "embodying in a formal declaration the principles by which this country is prepared to stand," we think that, if it were done by some clever essayist, it might probably look as well as Count Stadion's charter, and be equally effective-on paper. Under such a system we should indeed be "likely to go to war by accident, to enforce some purpose which "high tories" are assumed no longer to exist in England, yet for our parts we can conceive a change in the foreign office which would be likely to lead, if not to the "recognition," at least to the carrying out in practice, of "Lord Brougham's we do not see"-being tied down to the letter of a declaration that would doubtless be susceptible of as many interpretations as there were interested parties." But if this difficulty could be got over, it seems to us not sufficient that a cause be "politically just." Take, for instance, the Hungarian rule." But there are many ways in which moral cause, in which not a flaw can be detected. Would the latter circumstance alone have been a sufficient claim to our sympathy, if the "politically just" cause had been only maintained by a party in the state; and if, as happens to be the case, the vast majority of the inhabitants of the country of all classes were not ready to shed their last drop of blood in its defence? But, further, if we "have not yet outlived the practice of war," we would suggest that besides the intrinsic justice of the cause, some regard is usually paid to other circumstances; to the internal resources, and to the state of public feeling, both in the country that meditates war and in its opponent. "To everything there is a season,' saith the Preacher, "and a time to every purpose under the heavens: a time to keep silence, and a time to speak; a time to love, and a time to hate; a time for war, and a time for peace :"-but according to the precious scheme of a definition of occasions for intervention, we should not take advantage of times and seasons, but should slide into wars, unprepared and unarmed, according to such and such a paragraph, or section so and so, of the "declaration." We sincerely hope that England at least has "outlived the practice of war ;" but if, in the course of years, circumstances should arise to endanger peace, we would rather confide in the tried skill and sagacity of a veteran diplomatist, when united with liberal principles, than in all the paper formula that have ever been issued. The doctrine we have commented upon amounts to this, that no power ought to express an opinion on the merits of a foreign contest without being prepared to back that opinion by "a host." Carry this doctrine into private life, and no individual ought to express an opinion concerning his neighbor's quarrels without being prepared to interfere more or less actively. The "warning reproof" addressed by Lord Palmerston to Austria-the "contingent of words," "sympathy but not help" —given to the Hungarians, by the meeting at the London Tavern, are alike sneered at. But is the "warning reproof" and the "sympathy" altogether inoperative? We think otherwise. It is something to go abroad to Europe, that "Lord Brougham's rule, which was, or ought to have been, the rule of the high tories when they existed in England, will not be adopted in England;" that "the treasure of the country will not be wasted to purchase oppression for the nations, and hatred for ourselves," in support of the principle of Lord Brougham-that England is to interfere for princes, but not for peoples; that she is to protect Ferdinand of Naples, Ferdinand of Austria, and Nicholas of Russia, but not the Sicilians, nor Hungarians, nor Poles. Now, although the influence may have something more than a negative effect, and the Camarilla at Vienna is already beginning to feel it. We do not apprehend that the argument on which we have been commenting will have much weight with the public. The attempts to impair the confidence of the nation in Lord Palmerston, and to discredit the movement in favor of the Hungarian cause, are more likely to recoil upon the heads of those who are thus doing all in their power to pave the way for the return of Lord Aberdeen to the foreign office. From the Examiner, of 4th Aug. PROSPECTS FOR HUNGARY. THE Times has reluctantly admitted, during the past week, that the plan of the campaign against Hungary, as it was begun by the imperial armies, has been dislocated by the skill and vigor of the Hungarian commanders, and that down to the latest dates the fortune of war was with the latter. This fact has at the same time assisted our contemporary to the belief that the Ottoman Porte may possibly take part in the struggle, and that upon the whole the Hungarians have really better chances than it had hitherto allowed itself to think possible. Other evidences of returning prosperity are not wanting to this great and gallant cause. While Paskiewich and the Ban are out-generalled by the Hungarian commanders, public opinion in this country is every day pronouncing itself in a more decided manner, and with more substantial effect. We have the best authority for stating that the Austrian Camarilla is seriously alarmed at the state of feeling in England, and at the tone of the independent English press: and this was before the account of the debate in the House of Commons on the 20th July, and of the meeting at the London Tavern, had reached Vienna. The knowledge of the fact should stimulate the friends of the Hungarians in this country to fresh exertions on their behalf. The example of public meetings, which has been so auspiciously given at the London Tavern, and followed by Marylebone, is being imitated all over the country. Nor should these meetings be confined to vague and general expressions of sympathy: they should tend to a practical purpose-the recognition by English statesmen of the de facto government of Hungary. The meeting at Marylebone may challenge comparison with any held in that borough, for respectability, order, and unanimity. That the speeches were of a decidedly liberal cast is no more than might have been expected. But the peculiarity of the Hungarian cause is this, that it invites the sympathy and support of partisans of To the names of the many victims the most various shades of political opinions, of | Protestant. the moderate and rational conservative no less of Austrian tyranny must be added that of the than of the constitutional radical. The lover of truly apostolical and liberal-minded Catholic Archreligious freedom and the lover of commercial bishop of Erlau, Lonovics, who has been thrown freedom are equally interested in the triumph of into prison for the crime of having drawn up the the Hungarians. representation of the Catholic bishops to King It was well shown at the Marylebone meeting Ferdinand; a representation presented by the that every step which Russia makes westward has Archbishop of Gran, the Primate of Hungary, in the effect of closing to British industry a pre-conjunction with Lonovics himself. This docuviously-existing market, or of preventing a freshment, which sufficiently expresses the views of the one from being opened; that, consequently, so Catholic clergy with regard to the national strugmuch bread is taken out of the mouth of the gle, is to be found in the Appendix to Count British artisan, or prevented from being put into Teleki's Case of Hungary Stated. it. That Austria as at present constituted is not That every liberal should warmly sympathize a barrier against the territorial aggrandizement of with the Hungarians is but natural. No nation Russia, is evident. As Colonel Thompson very has given such an example of a privileged class pertinently observed, the guardian (!) of Euro- having voluntarily renounced its exclusive privipean civilization has opened the door and let the leges, and having raised the unprivileged to a perrobber in. That the success of the Hungarians fect equality with itself for the benefit of their would at once open to us a market hardly inferior common country. No nation has been a more to that of Russia, and capable of indefinite exten- consistent advocate of civil, religious, and comsion, we have already indicated; and we may at mercial freedom. But above all, the sympathies some future time treat this question more in detail. of the moderate and far-sighted conservative ought To the determined persecution of religious free-to be enlisted on their behalf. The Hungarians dom by the house of Hapsburg, and the assertion are preeminently, above all other continental of this great principle by the Hungarians, all nations, the sticklers for precedent and for the lethistory bears record. With regard to what is ter of the law. Indeed, the reproach that has now passing, Lord Dudley Stuart stated the fact been urged against them with the greatest semthat in the present Hungarian government, the blance of justice, is that they are not revolutionRoman Catholic Bishop of Csanád, the distin-ary enough for the present age. Perczel urged guished historian Horváth, is minister for eccle- in the diet that the Hungarian regiments serving siastical affairs; but that the secretary in that in Italy should be recalled. The policy of his department is a Protestant, Professor Szász, a dis-motion was admitted; its constitutional legality tinguished member of the Protestant College of was doubted; and owing to legal scruples, HunEnyed-a -a college which is still in the receipt of gary herself strengthened the hands of her eneEnglish funds, contributed at a time when the mies. Similarly, it was long before the Hunsympathies of English Protestants for the cause garian government, although warned by bitter of religious freedom on the continent were some- experience, could resolve to pursue the fugitive thing more substantial than a name. In the other Jellachich over the Austrian frontier, without being departments of the ministry are members of the first invited by some legally-constituted Austrian Catholic and Greek churches, and of various Prot- authority. estant confessions. The civil disabilities under which the Jews in Hungary, as elsewhere, la bored, have also been unreservedly removed. The ameliorations effected in the Hungarian constitution by the national party were not brought about by revolutionary measures; they were not What may be expected if Hungary should lose the result of an émeute, however justifiable an its independence, and be reduced to the condition émeute may be in some cases ; but they were of an Austrian or Russian province, is shown by carried out by legal means upon the broadly-troda speech of General Benedek, commander of a den and clearly-defined path of parliamentary redivision of the Austrian army, to the municipal form. Nor were these ameliorations effected in authorities of the town of Rosenau, in the month consequence of a sudden impulse inspired by the of April last. General Benedek is himself a events in France. The February revolution of Protestant and a Hungarian, and therefore his Paris undoubtedly strengthened the hands of the speech must be looked upon, not as the expression Hungarians by the terror which it caused to Metof his private opinions, but as conveying the de- ternich and his satellites. But the measures of liberate sentiments of the Austrian government. reform themselves were nothing more than the He said: "This rebellion is a Protestant rebel- legitimate development of the spirit of the Hunlion; it will never be put down till the Protes-garian constitution, carried out by means in strict tants are put down. Till the end of the war, it accordance with measures which had been urged will be necessary to keep under a strict surveil- upon the government by the national party since lance of the police every Protestant clergyman and 1832, and of which Mr. Paget thus speaks: Protestant professor." Although this speech is a sufficient exponent of the intentions of the Austrian government, yet it is only partially true. The national cause is not solely or exclusively The favorite objects of their desires were-after strengthening the nationality of Hungary-freedom of commerce, and an improved commercial code; the navigation of the Danube, and the improvement |