these convulsions are essentially different. Our to a difference of race is really attributable to very sketch of the rights of Hungary shows that the different causes. For, if we look into the details Hungarian insurrection is an act of self-defence; of each particular rising of the various races, we and has as little to do with abstract principles or shall find that either Greek priests or officers in theories of government, as our own civil wars. the Austrian army have been the real instigators The Hungarians are contending for the ancient of the provincial revolts. For instance, in Tranindependence of their kingdom, not for an exper-sylvania, the Wallachs were instigated by Colonel imental republic. The tone of the German journalists and pamphleteers, who maintain the cause of the Races versus the Majjars, is either bureaucratic or pedantic. In the one case it is the voice of the Austrian cabinet; in the other it is the dream of a few literary men, who would interpret the political phenomena of the world by one hypothesis. But neither the venal scribe nor the volunteer ethnologist can abide the test of facts, or explain the inconsistencies into which their bias has betrayed them. Of so complex a question we can only find room for a brief glimpse; but it may suffice to detect some of the incongruities in the theory of race. The subject of races would require a volume, and cannot be rendered intelligible within the limits of an article. It belongs, indeed, rather from accident than essentially to the Hungarian question. In the first place, many of the non-Majjar races adhere to the Majjar party; and the adherents of the Majjars form, numerically, the majority, and comprise the most civilized portion of the nation alities. In the next place, what has been ascribed been its principal representatives abroad; and in that 66 Wallachs Transylvania, 930,000 1,237,340 2,317,340 "Military Frontier, 100,000 "Transylvania, 250,6681,422,168 2,220,000 2,220,000 350,000 50,000 1,352,966 "Hungary, 986,000 Germans "Military Frontier, 185,500 Slovacks Hungary, Ruthenes "Hungary, Wends "Hungary, "Croatia, 350,000 Croats "Military Frontier, 692,966 "Hungary, 740,000 Servians Military Frontier, 203,000 ( 943,000 8,655,474 1,030,000 1,171,000 2,220,000 2,220,000 350,000 350,000 4,771,000 Urban; in the military frontier and the Banat, the Servians were stimulated, or rather betrayed, into revolt by their archbishop, Rajachich, aided by Stratimirovich, an Austrian officer; while Croatia -a name which circumstances have rendered more familiar to our ears-was forced into rebellion by another military officer, the notorious Jellachich, who carried out his plans by packing a diet, and excluding from it the legal members and county magistrates. We leave to the advocates of absolutism the burden of proving what rights-civil, political, or religious-the non-Majjar has not long shared, and does not now share, with the Majjar. The question is illustrated by the following factthat, in the present government, two of the most important posts-the department of justice and that of finance-are filled, respectively, by Vukovich and Duschek, the former a Servian, the latter of Sclavonic blood. We append the two following anecdotes, to show that what has been ascribed to the influence of race, is really attributable to Austrian or Russian intrigue. As early as May, 1848, Danilevski, the Russian consul at Belgrade, had offered the Archbishop Rajachich and the committee of the Servian government at Carlovicz 30,000 Russian auxiliaries. In return for this assistance, he merely required the Servian people, as members of the Greek Church, to put themselves under the protection of its imperial head. The committee declined this proposal; but intimated to Mayerhofer, the Austrian consul, their intention of accepting it ultimately, unless he would procure them equally powerful assistance from Vienna. Mayerhofer, accordingly, recruited openly in Turkish Servia on behalf of men whom the emperor had declared rebels, and against whom, at the very moment, Austrian forces were in arms. In these disgraceful movements there are but slight vestiges of race as the impelling cause of disorder. But there are palpable signs in them of secret promptings and active participation on the part of Vienna and Petersburg. The name of Mayerhofer is connected with an act of double-dealing, equally significant and shameless, on the part of Austria. In August, 1848, the Hungarian government promoted Captain Madersbach to the rank of major, for his gallant defence of Weisskirchen, against the Servians, and their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Mayerhofer, the Austrian consul at Belgrade. Besides these who unite with the 4,855,670 Majjars, all the Jews, to the number of 250,000, are enthusiastic on the same side. The Croatians also would, probably, join them, if not kept under by the military despotism of Jellachich. The promotion was made with the sanction, and which contended against the Stuarts in 1640, and under the name of the emperor. A week after, threw off their yoke in 1688. But nations, like the court threw off the mask. It openly entered individuals, are members of a family; and before upon its system of reaction, and advanced this taking part in family quarrels, are bound to weigh, very same Lieutenant-Colonel Mayerhofer to the not merely the justice of the cause, but also the full rank of colonel, for his behavior in the Ser- position and resources of the litigants. A Charles vian war against the Hungarians. XII. rushes blindly upon wars which only compromise his throne-a William of Orange forms deliberately a triple alliance. It is important, gary possesses for self-defence now, and for independent existence hereafter-as well as her rights in the present struggle. By these and similar measures the Austrian court displayed its own incurable duplicity, and alienated from the Hapsburg dynasty the most therefore, to understand the means which Hunflourishing and loyal portion of the empire. Its insincerity has been fitly recompensed; and within the space of twelve months Austria and her policy are equally detested by the Wallachs and Servians, the Croatians and Majjars. The October revolution, indeed, produced great changes in the cabinet, but none in the system of policy. The Archduchess Sophia-" huic mulieri cuncta alia fuere, præter honestum animum"-beheld her son upon the throne; his mayors of the palace were Prince Schwartzenberg and Count Stadion; and the accession of a boy was believed to have infused new vigor into the imperial system. On the 7th of March, in the present year, the Charte Octroyée of the new ministry confirmed the opposition of Hungary and loosened the allegiance of the hereditary states of Austria. The efforts of Hungary in the present war are a measure of her internal resources. Those efforts have excited the more surprise, because the nature and extent of her resources are, in general, so imperfectly understood. In December last, at a time when civil war was raging in the south of Hungary and in Transylvania, 130,000 Austrians, moving concentrically from nine different quarters, passed the frontiers. Prince Windischgrätz left Schönbrunn, confident of returning with victory, and with the title of "Debellator Hungariæ." The game was supposed to be driven by his rangers into the toils, and to be there awaiting unconditional surrender or deOf the Charte Octroyée, Count Stadion was struction. But neither the generals nor the statesthe real author; but he was aided in its composi- men of Hungary bated a jot of heart or hope. tion by the ex-advocate Bach, who, as well as They knew the courage, the endurance, and the Krauss, remained in the cabinet. The count is patriotic fervor of their people. Within a narequally opposed to the system of Metternich, and row circle between the Theiss, the Maros, and to the idea of constitutional freedom. His ob- the Transylvanian frontier, they speedily organstinate temper renders him consistent in these op- ized an army of nearly 200,000 men. Powderposite dislikes. In other respects he is a versatile mills, cannon-founderies, manufactories of mustheorist, but always within the range of absolut-kets, percussion-caps, and saltpetre, sprang up on ism. His charter was conceived in the spirit of the instant; and as the Croatian sulphur-mines Richelieu, and with the recklessness of Alberoni. were in the enemy's hands, their sulphur was It proclaimed the unity of the empire, accorded prepared from mundic, or sulphurate of iron. empty formularies to the people, and reserved all Within four months, the Austrians were driven real power for the government. But it mani- from Hungary, and so diminished in number and fested neither experience nor sagacity. And disorganized by cold, hunger, and defeat, that, but when this patent constitution satisfied no one for Russian intervention, the war would already when all the nationalities, without exception, be at an end. declared against it-when Bohemia was in a ferThe defensive strength of a country depends upon ment, and even Jellachich was found protesting-its physical conformation, its artificial means of comthe count became temporarily insane. The Charte Octroyée announced no new doctrine in the government of dependencies. In the age of the Maccabees a similar experiment had been made by Antiochus the Great; and it was probably not unknown to the "mighty hunter of men" himself. Its theory may be expressed in the words "ut omnis populus sit unus." The Charte Octroyeé failed, however, from its encountering nationalities, with some remnants or memories of freedom, and not from any reluctance in its authors to copy their Syrian prototype. munication and resistance, and the numbers, the temper, and organization of its inhabitants. A glance at the map shows that Hungary, by the arrangement of its mountains, plains, and rivers, is adapted to every species of warfare, from the guerilla to the dense battalion. Its northern bulwark, the Carpathian Mountains, extends from Presburg and the Danube to Transylvania, a space of four hundred English miles, broken by only three considerable passes, Nádas, Jablonka, and Dukla, while the continuation of this lofty barrier is crossed by only four narrow defiles to the east and south—the approaches We believe that sympathy with Hungary is to Bukovina, Moldavia and Wallachia. On the rapidly spreading over Europe. But above all, south the Carnian Alps, and the rivers Saave and we are confident that the spectacle of a people Danube afford a frontier almost equally impracticadefending its ancestral rights and enlarged liber-ble to an invader. The plains and hills on the west ties, must be deeply interesting to that nation towards the Styrian Mountains are less capable of defence, being more adapted to the action of large have not been palsied by bureaucratic maxims and masses. Between Presburg and Pesth the rivers official routine. Hence, while the Austrian cabinet sometimes hurry in rapid torrents, and sometimes vacillates between violence and concession, and is stagnate in lakes and morasses. The internal com- at a loss when it cannot be formal, Hungary has munication by roads is very irregular. Some Hun- already produced in the various departments of war, garian counties have highways which rival English internal administration and finance, men of the stamp turnpikes, while others are advanced little beyond of Kossuth, and Görgey, Csányi, Szemere, and driftways and tracks, bad in all seasons, and nearly Duschek. During the last twenty years, indeed, impervious in autumn and winter. An invading the kingdom generally has made great progress in army, unacquainted with the country and incum- material improvement. Without the aid or even bered with baggage and artillery, will meet, therefore, with no ordinary difficulties. Even Austrian officers, whom previous command of Hungarian regiments had in some degree familiarized with the line of march, were baffled, in the late spring campaign, by the natural or accidental impediments they encountered. the countenance of government, the Hungarians have constructed roads, and called into a new existence the Danube by means of steamboats, built a suspension bridge-" the wonder of Europe," from Buda over to Pesth; have opened railways, and, by the embankment of the Theiss and by regulating the streams of the Maros and the Sárviz, acquired millions of acres for pasture or tillage. Within the same period the productions of agriculture have been greatly multiplied, the culture of tobacco and oleaginous crops (rape, linseed, &c.) encouraged, the breed of sheep and the quality of wool improved; while the settlements accorded to German and English artisans have introduced into the towns a fresh class of thriving and ingenious citizens. And all these improvements have been accomplished under the discouragements and drawbacks of Austrian rule, by a people possessing rather the substance than the symbol of wealth. For although raw materials of every kind abound in Hungary, there is great scarcity of money. An the Danube to Fiume, would relieve Hungary of its teeming and superfluous produce, supply capital for public works or private enterprise, and open new and eager markets for English manufactures. The Hungarian is naturally enterprising; and the recent abolition of feudal restrictions, accompanied by a Bill of Rights, both civil and religious, as compre Hungary contains an area of 110,000 English square miles, and a population of at least fourteen millions. This extensive area is not more remarkable for the productiveness of its soil, its favorable climate, and mineral wealth, than for the various and generally promising character of its inhabitants. All the races of Hungary have, indeed, their several capabilities. The Slovacks are intelligent, for the most part, and inclined to commerce; the Croats good soldiers, and, in the upper classes, able employés; the Servian officers, in the military frontier, are many of them expert mathematicians; while the ordinary characteristics of the Wallach are, an aptitude for growth and cultivation; and of the Germans, steadiness and industry. But the Majjar-inlet into the commercial world, by a railroad from the Hungarian proper-who has given his name to the country, is also the most prominent feature in the group of races. The genuine Majjar, like the Roman patrician, is an agriculturist, a fearless, we had almost said a born rider, fond of field sports and pastoral occupations. His figure is tall and wellproportioned; his demeanor grave, and almost melancholy; his attachment to home and to his munici-hensive as their charter of 1848, will not only infuse pal and political rights ardent; his disposition peaceful, and even indolent, until he is wronged or oppressed—and then indomitably firm, patient, and enterprising. Since our attention has been turned by recent events to Hungary, we have been impressed by the resemblance between the Hungarian country gentleman and yeoman of the present day, and the English gentleman and yeoman of Clarendon and Lucy Hutchinson, of Walker and Vandyke. But the character of the Hungarian, like the resources of his native land, is not yet fully developed. His occasional indolence or haughtiness have to be purged away by the fiery baptism of war; and his warm affections, his firm principles, his active intellect, and native energy will come out the purer from the ordeal. new vigor into the Majjar race, but develop and direct the energies of every other Hungarian nationality. That charter has already invigorated the Hungarian people. With the exception of a few magnates, who preferred the attractions of a capital to their local duties and the development of their country, all classes were zealous for the constitutional party from the very commencement of the war. The invasion of Russia is not likely to win them over to the Austrian cause. The Haiduk towns sent one out of every five of their whole population-more than 40,000 in number-to join the national army. It was the characteristic speech of a gray-headed old yeoman of that district to an Hungarian officer: "I have sent my three sons, but I have kept back my best horse. I am now The customary avocations of the Hungarians in going to take him and join myself." Meantime time of peace have tended to organize and discipline the duties of peace are fulfilled as steadily as those them for a crisis like the present. Their law pro- of war. The plough is not idle, even in the Baceedings-for like all free people they are habitually nat; and since the military frontier was recovered litigious their magisterial duties, and their munici- by the constitutionalists, cultivation has been acpal and county elections have given them habits of tively resumed. In the intervals of war, old men, business, and taught them to act in concert. Their women and children are seen laboring in the maize powers of adaptation, decision, and arrangement and wheat-fields, that "the cruise may not fail, nor the staff of life be shortened" to their de- the great nations of Europe. Among those nafenders. Of such a people it is impossible to despair; and hope is strengthened by the characters of their present leaders. We have already contrasted the barrenness of Austria in men and measures with the abundance and activity of Hungary. Our limits will not permit even a brief sketch of the administrative talents of Csányi or the financial powers of Duschek. But Louis Kossuth too remarkably embodies the genius of the people and the cause, to be passed over in silence. The warriors who, in the ninth century, crossed the Carpathians with Duke Arpad, bequeathed to their descendants an oriental tinge of character. The Hungarian of the nineteenth century accordingly combines a fervid imagination with a strong understanding, and is peculiarly alive to glowing, apophthegmatic, and even mystic eloquence. The speeches of Kossuth have partly an Arabian fervor, and partly a religious earnestness-which remind us of Mahommed and Cromwell. His words, even more than his deeds, mark him as the "man of the hour." His health has been broken in the solitude of an Austrian dungeon, but his genius was matured there too; and the union of the statesman with the enthusiast imparts a personal as well as historic interest to his career. Kossuth is justly the idol of the people whose councils he directs. To the firmest faith in his mission he adds unwearied energy, a genius for organization, and a keen perception of the character of others. His wise choice of instruments and his skilful concealment of his own plans until the moment of execution, enabled him to reconquer the whole length of Hungary, from Debreczin to the frontier, at the very moment when the Austrian generals and statesmen believed him to be a fugitive, and had set a price upon his head. Throughout Galicia and Austria, the police were furnished with the most minute instructions to look for him under every disguise. His presence with the army was discredited, and his capture at Eperies was report- | ed at Vienna-at the very time that he was advancing upon Pesth, and putting down the Servian insurrection with an improvised force of 120,000 men. We have shown that the physical character of Hungary is seconded by the genius of its people, and the genius of its people guided by men, both civil and military, equal to the present crisis. Whatever may be the issue of the present struggle, the names of Kossuth, Szemere, Csányi, and Duschek, and of the generals Bem, Görgey, Klapka, and Damianich, are entitled to rank among the foremost of their age. Should the result be favorable, and Hungary either maintain the independence of its crown, or resume, but with stronger guarantees, its relation with Austria, a new career is open for its people. A port on the Adriatic, an abundant and increasing produce, institutions now unfettered, comprehensive, and tolerant, aided by the manly and practical temper of its inhabitants, and their generous aspirations, must, in that case, raise the Hungarians ere long to a level with tions Hungary looks to England for its sympathy at the present moment, and as its example for the future. Perhaps we cannot close this portion of our subject better than by the following anecdote, for the authenticity of which we can answer. In the year 1839, an English gentleman was invited to the vintage of the lower house of representatives at Presburg. On his health being given, a popular orator of the diet, who now fills one of the highest and most important offices under the present government, observed that, "all really constitutional nations, when in their struggles for freedom they feel inclined to despair-when they feel inclined to doubt for a moment whether the goddess they worship be not a phantom, seeing the excesses committed in her name-have only to turn to England, their pole-star. The sight of national liberty, exemplified by England, comforts and strengthens them in their struggle." The poor But we must contemplate the reverse of this prospect. If through Russian aid Austria be victorious, the last barrier is swept away from the road to Constantinople. Austria herself will, from that time forward, need the bayonets of the czar to keep down her discontented subjects, and must sink to the level of a secondary power. Its policy will be the policy of St. Petersburg; and the dream of a Pansclavic empire will not end in the suppression of the "proud Majjars," but in the reduction of Eastern Europe into a Russian province. If history has meaning in it as well as words, we are not predicting without sufficient warrant. Russian protection and Russian intervention have for a century past been equally fatal. ally non equitem dorso, non frænum depulit ore. "Where is Hamath and Arphad, Sepharvaim and Ivah?" was the question of the Babylonian envoy. What, with equal pertinence we may ask, have been the fruits of Russian aid to Turkey and Persia, to Warsaw and Finland, in Asterabad and Bessarabia, and now in Moldavia and Wallachia? To all these lands its hatred has been dangerous, but its embrace deadly. Nor is Russian policy the work of a single man or a single generation. Four sovereigns of the house of Romanoff have consistently walked in the same track. Yet it is not the policy of Catherine, of Paul, of Alexander, or of Nicholas, but of Russia. It bides its time; and the purpose of the fathers is accomplished by the third or fourth generation of the children. It employs with equal readiness fraud or force. Muscovite Panslavism and the Greek Church are as much its instruments as the gold of the Ural and the Cossack's lance. It proscribes at Warsaw, it bullies at Constantinople, it flatters France, and is coldly courteous to England. It has at once the versatility and fixedness which the ancients attributed to destinу-лokhov broμátov uogo uia. Its journals and proclamations boast of its paternal sway and vigilance; while it peoples Siberia with the children of its victims, and fills their cities and homes with spies. It has a vulture's scent for the tainted portion of nations, inherit the principles, and some of whom bear the names, of the founders and champions of English liberty. Lord Palmerston has twice already preserved the peace of Europe, while vindicating and securing the rights of nations. Eastern Europe may possibly afford him a third and more brilliant opportunity of extending the influence, advancing the welfare, and illustrating the name of England. and holds out every lure to the indolent, the venal, | destinies of our country are swayed by men who and the ambitious. Hardly ten years have elapsed since England encountered in Central Asia the intrigues of Russia. The Muscovite is now 66 stepping westward"-not with emissaries or protocols, but with "war in procinct," to subvert by its battalions that national independence by which Austrian arms and arts were equally discomfited. Austria, however, is at present merely a stage in the progress of Russia; the road to Constantinople is as direct by Vienna as by Bucharest. From the Edinburgh Review. The History of England from the Accession of We pay Mr. Macaulay no compliment, but only record his good fortune, when we say, that these two volumes are the most popular historical work that ever issued from the English press. Within six months this book has run through five editions involving an issue of about 18,000 copies; and, on the other side the Atlantic, our enterprising and economical brothers of America have, we hear, re-produced it, in forms which appear infinite in number, and infinitesimal in price. For the best rewards of authorship he, therefore, has not been doomed, like many illustrious predecessors, to await the slow verdict of his own, or the tardy justice of a succeeding generation. Fame has absolutely trodden on his heels. As widely as our Indos"-these volumes have already spread the reputation and opinions of their author. Austria has been termed by statesmen, an European necessity. And recent events have more than ever confirmed the necessity of a strong empire, as the barrier of central and eastern Europe; but they have not proved that Austria possesses the essential strength and conditions of such a barrier. Quite the contrary. The aggregation of her provinces is weak, the policy of her government is vacillating, and she has neither produced nor, apparently, promises to produce, a cabinet, or even a single statesman, capable of reconstructing or sustaining the tottering work of her empire. Should Hungary come out of the present struggle victorious; should her liberal institutions contract and consolidate around her the various races now disunited by Austrian misgovernment, the physical, social, and political characteristics of Hungary are well fitted for such a station. She was in former times the advanced guard and barrier of Europe against Turkey; and the strength and ex-language has travelled-" super et Garamantas et tent of her north-eastern boundary constitute her a natural and most tenable frontier against Russia at the present period-a period quite as critical. We feel undisguised pride in Mr. Macaulay's What the sultan was, the czar is. Her municipal unquestionable and unalloyed success. His great institutions are so many schools of self-government reputation and position in politics, eloquence, and and rational freedom; her military vigor is unim- literature-his unflinching steadiness as a statespaired; and the proud title of "Seminarium Hero- man, and his noble and ardent maintenance of um," is as applicable to the nation in 1849, as to those free principles of which this journal has the chivalrous supporters of Maria Theresa. Re- been so long the advocate, while they led us to lieved from the jealousies inspired by Austria, her look forward with anxiety to his promised contrisubjects would become at first united, and hereaf-bution to our national history, lead us now to reter elevated under her sway. Relieved from the minute, absurd, and oppressive restrictions of the Austrian custom-house, her produce would make its way into the European markets, and the English manufacturer find eager customers in her numerous and enterprising population. A rich, united, and intelligent people, who have proved their attachment to liberty by three centuries of resistance to absolutism, and who are now en-ical antagonists-never a work, abounding so gaged in an internecine struggle for their rights, would succeed to a corrupt and superannuated empire, which has not only long pressed heavily on eighteen provinces and 36,000,000 of subjects, and been the causa causans of most of the misery of Italy and Germany-but which, by it recent acceptance of Russian aid, has forfeited all title to respect or allegiance. The constitutional vitality of Hungary would be equally effective against either extremee-a Cossack ascendency or a red republic. At such a crisis, it is a subject of congratulation to all lovers of constitutional freedom that the joice unaffectedly at its brilliant reception. He has had a hearty—indeed, a triumphant-welcome from all sorts and classes of his countrymen. Men of all shades of political opinion have honored him and themselves by the expression of their admiration. There never, we believe, was a work, replete, as this is, with politics, which met with more generous and creditable treatment from polit much with topics of controversy, more fairly and candidly criticized. If there are exceptions to this remark-and, as far as we know, they are few and insignificant-they supply, probably, the only test of merit which was wanting-and add the note of disappointed jealousy to the general chorus of approbation. The public, in the most cosmopolitan sense of that term, having thus so unequivocally anticipated any decision of ours, it would be superfluous and impertinent in us to pretend now to tell our readers what they may expect to find in volumes with which they are already familiar. Coming, as we |