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1. Life and Letters of Thomas Campbell,
385 2. Kester Hobson,
The Winter's Wreath,
408 3. Kit Wallace,
410 4. The Royal Marriage,
412 5. Cholera,
Colonization Herald, c.,
418 6. The Merchant Navy,
420 7. Credit, Hudsonism, &c.,
421 8. Art Ministerir.g lo Religion,
422 9. Mayo on Popular Superstitions,
423 0. The Concert,
Book of Beauty,
427 POETRY.- Apostrophe to Patience, 407.—Emigrants, 426.—Man's Love, Woman's Love, 431. Short ARTICLES.-Rabbi Chanina; Use of the Marvellous, 419.—Trifling Occupations, 426
PROSPECTUS.- This work is conducted in the spirit of now becomes every intelligent American to be informed Littell's Museum of Foreign Literature, (which was favor of the condition and changes of foreign countries. And ably received by the public for twenty years,) but as it is this not only because of their nearer connection with our twice as large, and appears so often, we not only give selves, but because the nations seem to be hastening, spirit and freshness to it by many things which were through a rapid process of change, to some new state of excluded by a month's delay, but while thus extending our things, which the merely political prophet cannot compute scope and gathering a greater and more attractive variety, or foresee. are able so to increase the solid and substantial part of Geographical Discoveries, the progress of Colonization, our literary, historical, and political harvest, as fully to (which is extending over the whole world,) and Voyages satisfy the wants of the American reader.
and Travels, will be favorite matter for our selections ; The elaborate and stately Essays of the Edinburgh, and, in general, we shall systematically and very fully Quarterly, and other Reviews; and Blackwood's noble acquaint our readers with the great department of Foreign criticisms on Poetry, his keen political Commentaries, atiùirs, without entirely neglecting our own. highly wrought Tales, and vivid descriptions of rural and While we aspire to make the Living Age desirable to momtain Scenery; and the contributions to Literature, all who wish to keep themselves informed of the rapid History, and Cominon Life, by the sagacious Spectator, progress of the movement—to Siatesinen, Divines, Law. the sparkling E.raminer, the judicious Athenæum, the yers, and Physicians-10 men of business and men of busy and industrious Literary Gazette, the sensible and leisure it is still a stronger object to make it attractive comprehensive Brilannia, the sober and respectable Chris and useful to their Wives and Children. We believe ihat tiun Obserrer; these are intermixed with the Military we can thus do some good in our day and generation; and and Naval reminiscences of the United Service, and with hope to inake the work indispensable in every well-inthe best articles of the Dublin University, New Monthly, formed family. We say indispensable, because in this Fraser's, Tait's, Ainsworth's, Hood's, and Sporling Mag. day of cheap literature it is not possible to guard against azines, and of Chambers' admirable Journal. We do not the influx of what is bad in taste and vicious in morals, consider it beneath our dignity to borrow wit and wisdom in any other way than by furnishing a sufficient supply from Punch; and, when we ihink it good enough, make of a healthy character. The mental and moral appeiiie use of the thunder of Tee Times. We shall increase our must be gratified. variety by importations from the continent of Europe, and We hope that, by winnowing the wheat from the from the new growth of the British colonies.
chaff," by providing abundantly for the imagination, and The steamship has brought Europe, Asia and Africa, by a large collection of Biography, Voyages and Travels, into our neighborhood ; and will greatly multiply our con- History, and more solid matter, we may produce a work nections, as Merchants, Travellers, and Politicians, with which shall be popular, while at the same time it will all narts of the world ; so that much more than ever it aspire to raise the standard of public taste.
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WASHINGTON, 27 Dec., 1845. Of all the Periodical Journals devoted to lit ure and sc which abound Europe and in this country, this has appeared to me to he the most useful. It contains indeed the exposition only of the current literature of the English language, but this by its immense extent and comprehension includes a portraiture of the human mind in the ulinost expunsion of the present age.
J. Q. ADAMS.
LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.—No. 277.—8 SEPTEMBER, 1849.
From the Edinburgh Review. Ferdinand I., the first elective prince of that fam1. The Cause of Hungary stated. By Count La-ily to whom the Hungarian sceptre was confided
DISLAUS TELEKI. Translated from the orig- when the battle of Mohacs (A. D. 1526) had exinal French, by William Browne. London: tinguished the royal line of Jagellon. It was
1849. 2. De l'Intervention Russe. Par le Comte Ladis- taken by Ferdinand V., the present ex-emperor,
LAUS Teleki. Ire et 2nde Feuille. Paris : on his coronation in 1830, (he was crowned in his 1849.
father's life-time ;) and it is a touching incident in 3. De l'Esprit Publique en Hongrie, depuis la Rev- the history of this ur fortunate prince, that, on be
olution Française. Par A. DegerANDO. Paris : ing urged by his ministers to suppress the Hunga1848.
rian constitution, his conscience answered : “But 4. A Narrative of Events in Vienna, from Latour
to Windischgrätz. By Berthold AUERBACH. my oath!” His reason was clouded ; but a moral Translated by John Edward TAYLOR ; with instinct recalled to him the fact, that his Hunga
an Introduction and Appendix. London : 1849. rian dominions were held by virtue of a compact ; 5. Ludwig Kossuth; Dictator von Ungarn. Mann- that an oath to preserve and transmit their immuheim : 1849.
nities had preceded his consecration ; and that the 6. Der Kreig in Ungarn. Dargestellt von Oscar crown of St. Stephen was the symbol of an indeFóDÁL. Mannheim : 1849.
pendent nation. The events of the last ten months have awak- The pedigree of their immunities during the ened, both in diplomatists and nations, a lively in- long space of three centuries (1526—1848) conterest in the affairs of Eastern Europe. Since the tinued unimpaired. The coronation oath had been Turkish columns melted away before Lorraine and renewed in 1687, when the elective crown was Sobieski under the walls of Vienna, no transac- entailed on the house of Hapsburg; it was fully tions of equal moment with the present war in recognized by the Pragmatic Sanction in 1723, Hungary have attracted the eyes of the West to when the right of succession to the Austrian dothose remote provinces of Christendom. While mains was extended to the heirs female of Charles every despatch may give a new aspect to the con- VI.; and because Joseph II., who combined the test, it would be absurd to speculate with any projects of a Siéyes with the temper of a despot, confidence on its issue, or even to enter largely had attempted to elude or evade it, it was imupon its details.
But many of our readers will posed, in 1790, with fresh guarantees, upon his perhaps thank us for placing briefly before them successor, Leopold. In 1816 and 1825 Francis I. some of the facts and features of the struggle be- fared no better than his predecessors in his entween the cabinet of Vienna and the Hungarian deavors to change the relations between Hungary nation—a struggle which, particularly since the and Austria. armed assistance of Russia has been invoked, in- By Article X. of the enlarged compact, entered volves new destinies for all the parties engaged in into between the Hungarian people and Leopold it, and will probably be felt in its consequences in 1790, it was declared that “ Hungary was a throughout the civilized world.
country free and independent in her entire system The question now brought to the abitrament of of legislation and government ; that she was not force, is historical, political, and economical. It subject to any other people or any other state ; but is of ancient date, of immediate interest, and of that she should have her own separate existence great prospective significance. We shall accord- and her own constitution, and should consequently ingly survey it under each of these aspects—aim- be governed by kings crowned according to her ing rather to dispose of some current fallacies, than national laws and customs.” This article, a coto comprise within our narrow limits the contem- rollary and complement to the statutes of nearly poraneous and even daily changes of the scene. three antecedent centuries, was confirmed once
The first and most prevalent error is, that of more by the ex-emperor Ferdinand, in his characregarding Hungary as a province of Austria. The ter of King of Hungary, on the 11th of April, crowns, it is true, have been united since the year 1848 ; and at the same time there was added the 1526 ; but the realms were always distinct. When guarantee of an independent ministry, responsible England took from Hanover a common sovereign, to the diet alone, with the Palatine 73 viceroy. its own national independence was not more com- The Hungarians believed in the sanctity of the pletely recognized. In Count Ladislaus Teleki's royal word; but it appears by a letter from the pamphlet, “the Hungarian Manifesto,” will be Archduke Stephen to the emperor, dated 24th of seen the coronation oath, which has been adminis- March, 1848, that the royal word was not intendtered during a period of more than three centuries ed by the imperial advisers to be a real security. by the diets at Presburg to fourteen monarchs of The Viennese cabinet secretly reserved the liberty the house of Hapsburg. This oath was taken by 1 of retracting its concessions on the first opportuni
ty; and accordingly the archduke proposes in that (utes of that kingdom, old or new—were especialletter three methods of abrogating the Hugarian ly obnoxious. immunities—a peasant's war to be excited against Of the more popular ministers none possessed the nobles—a commissioner to be armed with mar- oratorical talents, and all played a very insignifitial law—or a temporary compromise with Count cant part in the Constituent Assembly at Vienna. Batthyany, the then head of the Hungarian minis- Latour, however, both from his relations to the try. The proposals of the archduke, however court and his administrative abilities, deserves tempting and consonant with the feelings of the more particular mention, than his nominal colcourt-party, were not then accepted. For the leagues are entitled to. His activity, in spite of more violent alternative the Austrian cabinet was advanced age, in reörganizing the army and comnot ready : and a fraud of its own devising was missariat, enabled Radetzky to assume the offenalready in preparation.
sive in Italy, the Ban of Croatia to threaten HunThe policy of the Austrian camarilla at this gary, and the Servian rebels to maintain themselves period was to gain time, and to patch up such a against the Hungarian troops. His violent death ministry as should compromise nothing, yet help in the October revolution created a void in the to save appearances. The first Viennese revolu- cabinet which has not yet been supplied ; and the tion had just exploded ; Radetzky had not yet re- late successes of the insurgents are not more trieved the fortunes of the empire in Italy; the owing to their own valor than to the returning army was partially disorganized and public credit decrepitude of the Viennese war-office. low. In the meanwhile the recent conversion of After what we have already stated, there can the absolute monarchy into a constitutional one be no clearer fact in the history of modern Euhad not been of a kind to discourage the court- rope than the constitutional independence of Hunparty or affect the spirit of the government, least gary. Its present claims neither rest upon doubtof all in its federal relations. The court had ful traditions, nor are buried in obscure and made a few nominal changes in the mechanism of obsolete documents. Hungarian institutions are administration, but had retained the substance of not merely title deeds, as old as the connection of power. The Aulic council of war became the Hungary and Austria ; but both in their spirit and ministry of war; the Aulic exchequer the minis- their letter they have been solemnly recognized try of finance; and although Count Sedlnitzky, the and renewed at every election or accession to the obnoxious minister of police, fled for his life, the throne. There have been, indeed, in the interim, veteran Metternich was succeeded in the depart- parties among the magnates as accessible to the ment of foreign affairs by his friend and former baits of the Austrian cabinets, as our own Harassociate, Count Ficquelmont. All the other min- leys and St. Johns were to the pensions of St. isters, the presidents, and the old bureaucracy Germains; and there have been, on the part of the remained in office. Subsequently, indeed, grow- Hungarian people, suffering and self-sacrifice in ing discontent and continual émeutes led in the defence of the Kaisar's throne. But the servility course of the summer to new ministerial combina- of the magnates was the crime or weakness of inditions : Counts Kollowrath and Taafe, Barons (viduals or of a class ; and the devotion of the Kübeck and Sommaruga retired ; and, at length, people, while Prussian or French bayonets bristled the real ruler of Austria, the Archduke Ludwig on the frontier, became strenuous opposition, as himself. They were replaced by Pillersdorf, often as the sovereign, unmindful of his coronation Dobblhof, Schwarzer, Hornbostl, &c.—men who oath and solemn compacts, attempted to convert enjoyed some degree of popularity, but who had his constitutional kingdom into an Austrian deneither the confidence of the court nor direct com- pendency. Five times in the course of a single munication with the emperor. All real business, century, (1606—1711,) did the Hungarian people in the mean time, passed through the hands of rise in defence of their constitution, and, of what Baron Wessenberg; and the only persons really was still dearer to them, their liberty of conin the confidence of the court were Latour, first science. Their long struggles against misgovernminister of war, Krauss, minister of finance, and, ment from Vienna present indeed many features in at a later period, Bach, minister of justice. They common with our own revolutions of 1640 and alone were entrusted with the secret—that govern- 1688. On the approach of foreign invasion they ment was merely lying by for a favorable moment were as devoted to Kaisar as the cavaliers to when the constitution was to be neutralized and Charles Stuart. In asserting their rights, they absolutism restored. Old things had passed away, were as keen, vigilant, and unflinching as Pym, yet nothing had become new. Metternich was an Hampden, and Somers. exile, and his maxims of policy apparently in dis- The late emperor, unsuited for his position by credit. Yet the archimage of despotisin might his imbecility and his scruples, was no sooner disstill in fact pull the strings: or at all events his placed, under, what in such cases is, the fiction policy was pursued by his disciples with formula- of a resignation, than the veil was lifted up. His ries as barren, and with a hatred to independent brother, Francis Charles, renounced. The nephew, nationalities as active as his own. To such men Francis Joseph, not twenty years of age, was imthe concessions, as they weré styled, to Hungary mediately put on the throne, as if a constitutional --but as they are more correctly termed the stat- [ throne were a mere matter of family arrangement. in the teeth of statute law and historical warning, | annul institutions, and to violate his oath. But at a moment when the pillars of society were the moment he proceeds to confirm or enlarge a loosened, when“ within were fears' of anarchy, charter which recognized the ancient immunities and without were the gathering clouds and “grim of one portion of his subjects, and imparted civil repose” of Russian intervention, the councillors and religious freedom to others, he is assumed to of the boy-emperor proposed at once to abolish be under the incapacitation of restraint. The Hungarian independence. The puppet of Stadion prospect of an integral union between the privand Windischgrätz, he was instructed by his mas- ileged and unprivileged classes of Hungary justly ters that Austrian unity was imperfect so long as alarmed the upholders of Austrian uniformity. It the laws and immunities, which his predecessors
ors was a heavy blow and great discouragement to a had sworn to maintain, were allowed to survive. statesman of the divide et impera school. The Their destruction seemed an easy task to men paternal government dreaded a united family. whom experience could not teach and whom prin- Therefore the emperor was in duress when he ciple did not restrain. They tendered to their conceded—and a free agent when he recalled his youthful sovereign the counsel of the ministers of concessions. Rehoboam. “ To your tents, O Israel !” was the One concession, as regards Hungary at least, response of the Hungarians ; but not until consti- was illegal—the concession of the crown, without tutional remonstrance had been exhausted, and the consultation of the diet, to one who is not the after they had beheld their lands wasted by fire direct heir of the house of Hapsburg. The Hunand sword.
garian constitution expressly declares that “the It has been pretended that the recent conces- king cannot be discharged from the duties of sovesions of the ex-emperor were extorted from him at reignty without the consent of the nation.” And a time when his freedom of action was suspended by the diet, as representing the nation; has the aprevolutionary violence ; and with equal falseness pointment of a regency, in case of the king's inthe Hungarians are supposed to have prejudiced competence to discharge his functions. But it is their cause by fostering or joining in the disturb- no part of his functions to change the order of sucances at Vienna. In one sense, the extortion cession ; and it is no proof of incompetence, we may be admitted ; but it was to similar extortions, fear, whatever it may be of imperiousness, to perin not very dissimilar periods, that we owe the form an unconstitutional act. The Claudius reGreat Charter, the Petition of Right, and the signs; the Agrippina of the day consummates her Declaration of Right. We can understand the intrigues by procuring for her son a crown. But validity of such a plea in the case of Charles I. Francis Joseph, until his coronation at Presburg, while a prisoner at Hampton Court. He was is neither de jure nor de facto King of Hungary. excluded from his family, his advisers, his party, He is at present, in the language of Hungarian and his servants. His correspondence was inter- law, "a foreigner;" and a mass of statutes enacts cepted, his studies, his recreations, and his very that no foreigner can take part in the administralooks were jealously watched. But it has never tion of Hungary. Hereafter it may be advisable been pretended that Ferdinand was in durance; or to cement the ancient union between Austria and that the members of the Hungarian Diet, who Hungary in the person of a common sovereign ; came to Vienna, in March, 1848, had power to but such reconcilement must be preceded by recogcoerce or intimidate the sovereign in his own palace. nition of the compact which has conveyed to fourIf these “ honorable members” possessed any su- teen emperors the crown of Stephen. pernatural influence, they must have exerted it in As, however, it is a favorite plea with the Ausevoking the Kaisar from his palace, as ancient trian cabinet and its partisans, that the concessions superstition imagined the gods might be evoked of 1848 were not only extorted from the emperor, from Troy or Veii on the eve of their fall. For but were also at variance with the spirit of the not many days after the arrival of these deputies, Hungarian constitution, and with the Pragmatic the emperor-king, accompanied by several mem- Sanction in particular, we will compare those conbers of his family and his court, repaired to Pres- cessions with the guarantees imposed upon Leopold burg to confirm these extorted laws; and, during II. in 1790, and accepted by his successor in 1792 ; his stay there, he received the Hungarian minis- and which, until recently, were the basis of the try and reviewed the national guards. “ The relations between Austria and Hungary. imperial casuists,” says Count Teleki,
66 have out
The twenty-five articles of the “ Diploma of stepped the limits of absurdity. They condemn Inauguration" in 1790, after generally affirming violence, and they still consider legal the liberties the independence of the crown, the laws, and the which the Austrians conquered in March, upon privileges of Hungary, proceed to decree, among their barricades; and yet they condemn the other enactments, triennial convocation of the laws of Hungary, voted peaceably by a delibera- diet, exclusion of foreigners—that is, of Austrians tive assembly, and peaceably sanctioned by the from the government, and the residence of the sovereign.” We think the count might have stated emperor-king, during a portion of every year, in the inconsistency in even stronger terms. The his Hungarian dominions. They declare that the ex-emperor is represented as having been free to king can neither make laws nor impose taxes listen to the promptings of reactionists, free to without the consent of the diet; and that royal proclamations, unless countersigned by one at least (express violation of the nineteenth article of Leoof the boards of the Hungarian government, are pold II.'s “ Diploma," and of so many preceding null and void.
charters, were arrested by the imposing attitude There are many other details ; but these alone of the diet in 1825. Francis I., upon this, reare sufficient to show that the demands of the tracted, apologized, and, by three additional arHungarians in 1848 did not, as regards Austria ticles, engaged to observe the fundamental laws of at least, introduce any sudden or violent innova- his Hungarian kingdom, to convoke the diet at tion into the federal relations between the two least triennially, and not to levy subsidies withcountries. It remains to be seen whether, in the out its concurrence. From 1825, the moveinterval of nearly sixty years, (1790—1848,) Aus- ments of the Austrian government were less dartria fulfilled her portion of this compact, or Hun- ing and more insidious. It tampered with elecgary has protested unreasonably and prematurely tions, stimulated the hostile prejudices of the races, against her grievances.
and augmented the number of its partisans in the This interval of more than half a century may chamber or table of the magnates. Its success, be divided into two periods—the first comprising however, in these arts was scarcely answerable to the wars which followed the first French revolu- its diligence. The municipalities of Hungary, her tion, and which ended in 1815; the second begin- county elections, and the temper of her country ning from that date, and terminating with the pres-gentlemen opposed, in most cases, an effective barent civil convulsions.
rier to the encroachments of absolutism. The The former of these periods presents an excep-nation needed only a strong impulse to complete tional, the latter a normal, aspect of Hungarian its organization ; and from the year 1827 dates affairs. In the one the adage-silent leges inter that regular and active opposition which, under arma—was once more exemplified ; and the Hun- the title of the Hungarian parly, withstood for garian nation was too much occupied with wars twenty years (1827–1847) the assaults of desand rumors of wars to proceed regularly or zeal- potic innovation, and is now supplying the native ously with constitutional or social reforms. Nay, Hungarian government with some of its ablest and the chivalrous nature of the people itself, and most experienced members. their loyalty to the Kaisar's throne, led them to Such, then, have been the relations of Hungary submit to repeated and exorbitant demands for men to Austria during one of the most momentous eras and money, without exacting a corresponding re- in the annals of the world. Twenty years of dress of grievances. Francis I.-when the vic- nearly incessant war were followed by an even tories of Napoleon were shattering the unity of longer interval of almost uninterrupted peace. Austria-reminded the diet of its response to During the former period, Hungary was Austria's Maria Theresa at a similar crisis; and, on each firmest bulwark-furnished her best troops, her appeal, was met with equal devotion, if not with commissariat, and her magazines. During the equal enthusiasm, even after the Hungarians were latter period, Austria has requited Hungary for weary of a war in which they performed the giant's these services and sacrifices with successive and task and received the dwarf's reward. From systematic endeavors to abridge or cancel her un1796 to 1811 the diets were convoked to grant deniable immunities ; to degrade into a subject supplies, and to be dismissed as soon as they spoke province “ an old and haughty people, brave in of grievances. For twenty years this unequal arms ;' and, finally, to clog and crush its spirit contest went on between a generous people and a of enterprise with vexatious imposts and absurd prince who forgot nothing but his promises. fiscal regulations. The reforms of 1848 may have
With the restoration of peace in 1815, a new been imperative in their tone; but the results of sixera began for Hungary. In spite of wars, and ty years' endurance can scarcely be termed sudden; levies, and bad government, the kingdom had ad- nor the assertion of rights—sanctioned for centuvanced in material prosperity; and it was expected ries, and as often invaded—be justly designated as that peace would afford leisure for carrying out unseasonable or unconstitutional. the social and constitutional reforms, which the There is another error which Austria has equalcommission of 1790 had recommended. But it ly encouraged—that of regarding the present war was an era of brief promise and protracted disap- as a war of races. Through mistake or interest, pointment. Austria, as a member of the Holy the continental journalists have generally assisted Alliance, was now more than ever determined to in misleading the public on this part of the Hunplace Hungary upon the same footing with the garian question. Almost all French writers, and hereditary states. A court party was sedulously among them the instructive and trustworthy Defostered in the country and the chambers; Aus- gerando, are too prone to derive the Hungarian trian officers were put in command of Hungarian revolution from their own revolution in 1848. The regiments; the bondage of the press was rigorous- movement in Hungary may have received, in comly enforced ; new shackles were imposed on trade ; mon with the rest of Europe, an impulse from that the currency was depreciated ; for twelve years event-since it is scarcely possible that such a no diet was summoned ; and nearly every article chord should not vibrate through every fibre of the of the constitution of 1790 was assailed by violence civilized world.* But the origin and objects of or evaded by intrigues. The arbitrary measures
* We have little confidence in French republicanism, by which, in 1822 and 1823, the Austrian cabinet
even for France itself ;-still less as a source of inspiraattempted to levy taxes and troops in Hungary, in tion for other countries. Mazzini and his followers have