mediately borders upon Montenegro, well known at once so preposterous and treacherous, that even as the seat of a Slavonic tribe fanatically attached to entertain it would consign the King of Prussia to the Greek Church, under the rule of a vladika, and his imperial crown to a very whirlwind of or governor, salaried by Russia, and the focus of execration and derision, in which both might sink all intrigues in that quarter against the integrity forever. of the Turkish empire. Further, Cattaro possesses an excellent harbor, and every facility for maintaining a fleet in the Adriatic and Mediterranean. It is well known that the Russians themselves do not make good sailors, while the inhabitants of Cattaro and the neighboring coast are some of the best sailors in the Mediterranean. Timber for shipbuilding, too, is abundant in the vicinity.

When, at the close of the French war, the Russians attempted to gain a footing in that quarter, their plans were defeated by the English statesmen of that day; and we may think ourselves fortunate that we have now at the head of the foreign office a statesman who vigilantly watches over the interests and the honor of England, in the place of one who would not scruple to sacrifice them in furtherance of the cause of reaction and absolutism. But the nation at large ought to be fully aware of the designs of continental despots; and the considerations we have thrown out will probably be deemed sufficient to explain the motives that have induced the Russian government to depart from that principle of non-interference in the affairs of other countries, which was so pompously announced in Count Nesselrode's circular.

From the Examiner, of 23 June. GERMAN UNITY AND THE PRUSSIAN KING.

THERE never existed a monarch who had a more noble chance before him of founding an empire, and with that empire the liberties and the unity of a great people, than the King of Prussia. He has overcome the turbulence of the very few persons in Germany who are for trying physical force before moral effects are exhausted. The Prince of Prussia has marched over the Palatinate without resistance. The Baden insurgents show more stubbornness, as there are soldiers among them: but while the people of all northern and central Germany remain stanch, the insurrection of the Suabians can have no chance of success.

With equal promptness and good fortune Prussia has triumphed over the princes who had objected to unity under its lead. The insurrectionary danger has, in fact, frightened the middle classes into acquiescence, and the princes into submission to Prussia. Hence the republicans were induced also to turn to Frederic William, and to offer him the imperial crown.

Frederic William of Prussia is a very odd character, partaking somewhat of the nature of Alexander; with the best, the tenderest, and most philanthropic intentions at one moment, but of the harshest and most rigid bent of mind at another. Like Alexander, too, he is generally under the sway of some superior mind; and this kind of sway is changeable, not constant. In his past constitution-mongering he trusted liberal men, but the bad success of their schemes disgusted him. Of late, and during the incubation of his imperial charter, he has been under the influence of Von Radowitz. But that star, at the court of Potsdam or Charlottenberg, is now said to be on the wane, and the Russian ambassador is reported to be most graciously listened to.

If so, adieu imperial charter, adieu the popular unity of Germany, adieu its diets, and its federal courts, and the great principle promulgated by the Frankfort Parliament, and reoctroyed by the Berlin cabinet. Great already has been the anxiety shown to conciliate princes, and slur over popular rights. The institution of the council of princes, whose assent is to be necessary to the introduction of any new legislative measure, sprang from this feeling. Another concession has been made since the promulgation of the constitution: that instead of one general electoral law, each state shall have its own electoral law. For this the example of the United States of America is pleaded; but in America there are no courts and no aristocracies, and therefore no fear of a courtly or aristocratic chamber.

Bavaria and Austria, moreover, continue their resistance, and are no doubt fertile in intrigue. The Bavarian minister, Von Der Pfortez, is on his way to Berlin, where, in concert with the Austrian and Russian envoys, he hopes to persuade Frederic William to adopt some new modification of the constitution, so as to admit not only Austria to the union, but the house of Lorraine to its share of the supremacy-in fact, to reïntroduce the old system of the Frankfort Diet and its double head. If the King of Prussia listens to such counsel, he loses at once the little hold that he still retains over public opinion, even amongst the middle class of Germans. We do not say that he will excite an insurrection; but a passive resistance and a moral agitation are sure to spring from such a policy, before which all the efforts of kings and princes must assuredly finally succumb.

View Germany as we will, there is no denying But has his Prussian majesty the honesty and that the country is fast Americanizing; that its the sagacity to accept this crown, by fulfilling the aristocracy is in deposition, and its princedom sick. tacit conditions upon which alone it accrues to him? Nature and events have made Germany federal; Germany will not accept unity without liberty. and federalism and republicanism are near relaAnd the project of crushing whatever has even tions. Without the most prudent, the most patriheretofore existed of local liberty in order to swell otic conduct, the whole race of German princes the autocracy of a military despot, is a thought are now in imminent danger of exposing them

selves to be rooted out; and such a catastrophe | General Aulich is marching with two columns would produce, in the centre of Europe, an exam- against Croatia, left almost wholly unprotected, ple far more pernicious to monarchy, than any in order to chastise Agram, and to occupy Fiume. efforts that the French are capable of making towards self-government and complete liberty.

From the Examiner, 23 June.

THE WAR IN HUNGARY.

All the Austrian generals are unanimous in saying, that the successes which the Hungarians have hitherto obtained are to be ascribed principally to the boldly-combined and well-executed manœuvres of the Hungarian generals. The Austrians hope, nevertheless, that in the newly THE Russians are known to have at last declared, commenced campaign their arms will obtain more after a long delay, that on the 15th instant the at- favorable results. They reckon upon an overtack should commence along the whole line. Most whelming superiority of forces, asserting that likely, therefore, a series of reports will reach us they can (Russian assistance included) oppose the next week of battles fought, which are to deter-Hungarians with 300,000 men, and 600 pieces of mine the fate of Hungary. The Hungarians have ordnance. On the other hand, the Hungarians on taken advantage of the period during which this their side muster 150 battalions of infantry, eighde facto truce lasted, and which began after the teen regiments of cavalry, and 400 guns of field great battles of April and the beginning of May, artillery; and it is not likely that their generals to refresh their wearied troops; to equip them have unlearned, in the course of a series of conanew; to complete their battalions; to enrol new tinual victories, the strategical talents by which ones; and to prepare themselves in all respects these victories were won. It is therefore not imfor the contest with Russia. The positions of the probable that, in spite of their numerical superiortwo contending armies are as follows: ity, the Russo-Austrian troops may yet be outmanœuvred. At any rate, whatever happens, the Hungarians can always prolong the war, and thus exhaust the financial resources of their enemy. The Hungarians have for their allies the cholera, the awkwardness and incapacity of the Austrian generals, and the brutality of the Austrian civil functionaries, as well as the financial difficulties of the empire, and the prostration of its credit.

Bem, with his troops, guards Transylvania against an inroad of the Russians, who on that side at least are not yet on the frontier.

Between Dukla and Jablonka the Hungarian forces amount to about 25,000 men, under the command of General Dembinski. Against him Prince Paskiewich, his old enemy, advances from Galicia with 60,000 Russians. After eighteen years of peace those two men again face each other, with the same implacable hatred, and national animosity in their hearts. Dembinski's object is to prevent as long as possible the entrance of the Russians; and to engage them in the mountainous region of Upper Hungary, until the operations of the western army under Görgey take a decisive turn.

It would appear that hostile operations actually commenced on the 14th inst., and with a result favorable to the Hungarians. The Austrian brigade, Wyss of Schlik's army, was repulsed from Csorna to St. Janucs, after a severe contest. General Wyss was wounded and taken prisoner by the Hungarians. Colonel Baron Zessner is also among the prisoners.

FRANCE AND ROME.

To the Editor of the Examiner.

THE blunders of the French government in Italy were to be intercepted from the public view by military evolutions in Paris. For this purpose it was requisite to take advantage of rising

The western army, amounting to between sixty and seventy thousand men, occupies positions on the Waag and the Raab from Neutra to Stein-amOnger; whilst the Austrians and Russians, under the command of Haynau, front this line from Tyrnau to Güns. Continual engagements near Szered, which, even according to the Vienna accounts, have, up to the present moment, been to the advantage of the Hungarians, occupy the attention of the Austrians upon the Upper Waag; and pre-indignation, and to stifle its expression. A violavent them from strengthening, in any considerable degree, their right wing on the right bank of the Danube. Görgey seems to meditate a bold and vigorous movement; and should he succeed in turning or beating the right wing of the Austrians near Odenburg, the road to Vienna will be open to him, and the enemy be compelled to abandon the strong position of Presburg without a blow.

tion of the constitution was to be perpetrated, in
order that remonstrances against a greater might
be suppressed. An appeal to justice and honor
was turned into ridicule, as might be expected,
by such persons as Barrot and Falloux. Indigna-
tion was just as naturally raised among the friends
of republicanism, at home and abroad.
It was
forseen that such indignation would burst forth
into acts of violence; and not only was it foreseen,
but desired. The new republicans are now shar-
ing the fate of the old Girondins.

In the south two Hungarian corps are operating. Perczel keeps the Austrian southern army, under Jellachich, confined to the triangle between the Save, the Drave, and the Danube, by his incessant Such seizure and imprisonment of respectable attacks from Panesova and Peterwardein; and and intelligent men, brave soldiers, enlightened whilst Jellachich is incessantly forwarding bul- journalists, and upright representatives of the letins of his triumph to Vienna, (although his people, was beyond the ferocious grasp, beyond head-quarters still remain at the old place, Ruma,) the bloodshot vision, of Robespierre and Marat.

Neither of them was base enough to employ so of Rome, have proved the ingratitude of France. dark a blinker to cover his misdeeds; neither of them was hostile to a friendly state, or treacherous to any. Yet these wretches well deserved the dishonorable death that overtook them, followed by the scorn and execration of posterity. The pages of French history, mildewed all over with large spots of perfidy, exhibit none of so deep and so corrosive a stain as this recently printed in large Roman letters. Fresh falsehood from the mouth of the ministers who defend it, can only produce the same effect as pouring sweet must on rancid wine.

The most signal exploits, both in Spain and in
Russia, were performed by the Polish lancers in
protecting the French. Poland was trafficked
away by one Bonaparte, Italy is trafficked away
by another; but the glories of Rome are reinstat-
ed, the glories of France are extinct.
No arms,
however successful, can cover prostrate honor.
Certainly it is not a marshal's baton that is mer-
ited by such behavior; and this is the opinion of
all men out of France, and of many among them-
selves.

The French are now as detested in the whole
of Italy as ever they were in Portugal and Spain.
They have a wonderful facility in winning hearts
and in losing them again. So long as they have an
object in view, "they fawn, feign, and flatter;"
when they have obtained it, they are contemptuous
and overbearing. They began with cajoling
Rome, and ended with cannonading her; they be-
gan with lies, and ended with massacres. Broad-
cast did they sow the wind, and abundantly do
they reap the tempest. It is a tempest which is
not about to terminate with the political heats of
the season; it is one which already has swept
away the moral of the nation whence it sprang,
and will sweep away the physical of many.
the great internecine war of despots and nations has
been fired only the first cannon; but the sound re-
verberates through Europe, and awakens the most
supine. Vainly do weak men stand aloof and
truckle, calling it prudence and policy to permit
the aggression that (for a moment) is in another
quarter and afar. But the aggressor gains
strength and recovers breath at every stride, and
he will presently turn round again and show it.
We were parties to the ruin of Rome by not op-
posing it even with a word of deprecation. If
"to be weak is to be miserable," our condition
is a sorry one indeed.

In

The flatterers of power are always the haters of misfortune. It is probable that a majority of the French, even of the most vociferous for a republic, will be as supple to the half Napoleon as their fathers were to the whole one; and that despotism will become in a few months hence as fashionable as democracy was a few months ago. Surely M. de Tocqueville, a gentleman, a scholar, a man hitherto irreproachable, will be able to stem the muddy current of the Cloaca Maxima into the midst of which he has fallen. Surely he must discern the impolicy, no less than the injustice, of murdering the Roman people and of battering down the city. The falsehood, the dishonesty, the trickery, the bigotry, of those among his associates in the ministry, who pretend to doubt the sentiments and resolution of the Roman people, are now sufficiently manifest by its unanimity in defending the ancient honor and ancient domicile of the Romans. In the eyes of such people as MM. Falloux and Barrot such a defence may be highly criminal, and French honor (how different from Roman or English!) may demand its expiation. But the hands of M. de Tocqueville are inexpert in trickery, and his tongue has never been transferable and at a discount. Such is the great advantage he possesses over his colleagues. His knowledge of history will enlighten him. He When the Emperor Napoleon gave to his inwill see clearly not only that France has broken fant son the kingdom of Rome, with the colosfaith, but has done it thrice in rapid succession.seum and the capitol as trinkets to play with, it First, in exciting to revolt; secondly, in seizing was recollected that an equal piece of absurdity the maritime city of a friendly power and the and impudence had been formerly imposed on the arms prepared for its defence; thirdly, in attack- Roman people by another emperor, in the nominaing Rome before the time promised to wait for tion of his horse for consul. But, indignant as hostilities. Even her own ambassador was ashamed the people might have been, they accepted the apof the ruffian who perpetrated this last atrocity, pointment at the hands of their capricious master; the least atrocity of the three. Europe cried out and indeed it was less disgraceful to be under the against the injustice and rapacity of the despots symbol of energy and war, caput acris equi,” who dismembered Poland; but neither the violence than of incompetence and imbecility. Whether nor the perfidy of these potentates, in half a cen- the present race would have endured the dominatury, is comparable to the violence and perfidy of tion of a creature half Austrian and half French, one ferocious French general in a single week. The is uncertain; certain it is that they would rather people of Poland had no treachery or ingratitude tolerate such a foreign hybrid than the more monto complain of; enemies came as enemies, and strous one of half priest, half prince. No power were received as such. No lady of Warsaw on earth can pretend to place a sovereign over a bound up the wounds of any bleeding Cossack; nation, and least of all that power which in thirty no Russian officer was invited to partake the hos-years expelled from its own territories three of its pitalities of the city, to enjoy its promenades, to own dynasties.

survey the strength or weakness of its walls. But

66

WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.

PROSPECTUS. This work is conducted in the spirit of Littell's Museum of Foreign Literature, (which was favor ably received by the public for twenty years,) but as it is twice as large, and appears so often, we not only give spirit and freshness to it by many things which were excluded by a month's delay, but while thus extending our scope and gathering a greater and more attractive variety, are able so to increase the solid and substantial part of our literary, historical, and political harvest, as fully to satisfy the wants of the American reader.

Transcript,
Daily Advertiser,

Spectator,
Examiner,

Children; A Man's Look, 223.- Stature of

now becomes every intelligent American to be informed of the condition and changes of foreign countries. And this not only because of their nearer connection with ourselves, but because the nations seem to be hastening, through a rapid process of change, to some new state of things, which the merely political prophet cannot compute or foresee.

Geographical Discoveries, the progress of Colonization, (which is extending over the whole world,) and Voyages and Travels, will be favorite matter for our selections; and, in general, we shall systematically and very fully acquaint our readers with the great department of Foreign affairs, without entirely neglecting our own.

The elaborate and stately Essays of the Edinburgh, Quarterly, and other Reviews; and Blackwood's noble criticisms on Poetry, his keen political Commentaries, highly wrought Tales, and vivid descriptions of rural and While we aspire to make the Living Age desirable to mountain Scenery; and the contributions to Literature, all who wish to keep themselves informed of the rapid History, and Common Life, by the sagacious Spectator, progress of the movement-to Statesmen, Divines, Lawthe sparkling Examiner, the judicious Athenæum, the yers, and Physicians-to men of business and men of busy and industrious Literary Gazette, the sensible and leisure-it is still a stronger object to make it attractive comprehensive Britannia, the sober and respectable Chris- and useful to their Wives and Children. We believe that tian Observer; these are intermixed with the Military we can thus do some good in our day and generation; and and Naval reminiscences of the United Service, and with hope to make the work indispensable in every well-inthe best articles of the Dublin University, New Monthly, formed family. We say indispensable, because in this Fraser's, Tail's, Ainsworth's, Hood's, and Sporting Mag-day of cheap literature it is not possible to guard against azines, and of Chambers' admirable Journal. We do not the influx of what is bad in taste and vicious in morals, consider it beneath our dignity to borrow wit and wisdom in any other way than by furnishing a sufficient supply from Punch; and, when we think it good enough, make of a healthy character. The mental and moral appetite ase of the thunder of The Times. We shall increase our must be gratified. variety by importations from the continent of Europe, and from the new growth of the British colonies.

The steamship has brought Europe, Asia and Africa, into our neighborhood; and will greatly multiply our connections, as Merchants, Travellers, and Politicians, with all parts of the world; so that much more than ever

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LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 273.-11 AUGUST, 1849.

From Bentley's Miscellany. THE NARRATIVE OF JOHN WARD GIBSON.

CHAPTER I.

sole reminiscences of my childhood. Perhaps the circumstance of my having been a sufferer in one of these ebullitions, served to impress them more strongly upon my mind.

One evening I had been permitted to sit up to supper. My father had recently made promises of amendment, and had given an earnest of his intention by keeping tolerably sober during three entire days; and upon this festive occasion-for

As I do not intend that any human being shall read this narrative until after my decease, I feel no desire to suppress or to falsify any occurrence or event of my life, which I may at the moment deem of sufficient importance to communicate. I am aware how common a feeling, even amongst it was the anniversary of my mother's marriage— those who have committed the most atrocious he had engaged to come home the instant he quitcrimes, this dread of entailing obloquy upon their ted his work. He returned, however, about one memories is; but I cannot say that I participate o'clock in the morning, and in his accustomed in it. Perhaps I wish to offer some atonement to state. The very preparations for his comfort, society for my many and grievous misdeeds; and, which he saw upon the table, served as fuel to his it may be, the disclosures I am about to make will savage and intractable passions. It was in vain be considered an insufficient expiation. I cannot that my mother endeavored to soothe and pacify help this, now. There is one from whom no sehim. He seized a stool on which I was accuscrets are hid, by whom I am already judged. tomed to sit, and levelled a blow at her. She either evaded it, or the aim was not rightly directed, for the stool descended upon my head and fractured my skull.

I regret that I did not execute this wretched task long ago. Should I live to complete it, I shall hold out longer than I expect; for I was never ready at my pen, and words sometimes will not come at my bidding. Besides, so many years have elapsed since the chief events I am about to relate took place, that even they no longer come before me with that distinctness which they did formerly. They do not torture me now, as of old times. The caustic has almost burnt them out of my soul. I will, however, give a plain, and, as nearly as I am able, a faithful statement. I will offer no palliation of my offences, which I do not from my soul believe should be extended to me.

I was born on the 23d of October, 1787. My father was a watch-case maker, and resided in a street in the parish of Clerkenwell. I went a few months ago to look at the house, but it was taken down; indeed, the neighborhood had undergone an entire change. I, too, was somewhat altered since then. I wondered at the time which of the two was the more so.

My earliest recollection recalls two rooms on a second floor, meanly furnished; my father, a tall, dark man, with a harsh, unpleasing voice; and my mother, the same gentle, quiet being whom I afterwards knew her.

The doctor said it was a miracle that I recovered; and indeed it was many months before I did so. The unfeeling repulse I experienced from my father, when, on the first occasion of my leaving my bed, I tottered towards him, I can never forget. It is impossible to describe the mingled terror and hatred which entered my bosom at that moment, and which never departed from it. It may appear incredible to some that a child so young could conceive so intense a loathing against its own parent. It is true, nevertheless; and, as I grew, it strengthened.

I will not dwell upon this wretched period of my life; for even to me, at this moment, and after all that I have done and suffered, the memory of that time is wretchedness.

One night, about two years afterwards, my father was brought home on a shutter by two watchmen. He had fallen into the New River on his return from a public house in the vicinity of Saddler's Wells Theatre, and was dragged out just in time to preserve for the present a worthless and degraded life. A violent cold supervened, which settled upon his lungs; and, in about a month, the doctor informed my mother that her husband was in a rapid decline. The six months that ensued were miserable enough. My mother was out all day, toiling for the means of subsistence for a man who was not only ungrateful for her attentions, but who repelled them with the coarsest abuse.

My father was a man who could, and sometimes did, earn what people in his station of life call a great deal of money; and yet he was constantly in debt, and frequently without the means of subsistence. The cause of this, I need hardly say, was his addiction to drinking. Naturally of a violent and brutal temper, intoxication i "amed his evil passions to a pitch-not of madness, I was glad when he died, nor am I ashamed he had not that excuse-but of frenzy. It is weil to avow it; and I almost felt contempt for my known that gentleness and forbearance do not mother when the poor creature threw herself upon allay, but stimulate a nature like this; and scenes the body in a paroxysm of grief, calling it by of violence and unmanly outrage are almost the those endearing names which indicated a love he 16

CCLXXIII. LIVING AGE. VOL. XXII.

for