The king having granted him permission to Meanwhile," resumed Daybreak, "let us explain the case, Daybreak related the story of Idrink his health." his brother's wrongs, and, on coming to the

"With all my heart," said the woodman, fill-end of his tale, he said he had asked pardon for ing the glasses.

From the Examiner, of 9th June. THE FRENCH PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

The line thus taken up by M. de Tocqueville is to show that if absolutism triumphs, it is not the fault of France. Perhaps such an excuse may

have listened to wise counsels, had the King of Piedmont hearkened to dissuasion, could the Romans have had the common sense to comprehend THE message of the President of the Republic, M. Lesseps, France might really have succeeded just laid before the National Assembly, is certainly in doing something for the cause of liberty and less French than any document we ever remember national independence, instead of quietly regardto have issued from an executive of that nation. ing its reverses everywhere. It is humble, simple, explanatory, self-excusing. It boasts nothing and promises little. It neither menances nor flatters. It indulges in neither antithesis nor cant; and the usual clap-traps of the be offered with some plausibility in the case of French political stage are omitted, by particular | Piedmont. In that of Sicily it is more doubtful. desire. It does not style France the foremost coun- | But how can it be maintained in the case of Rome? try in civilization. It does not assert with grandiloquence that "Poland shall not perish," at a time when France is helping to bury it. It is not for planting the Gallican church on the heights of the Lebanon, or of out-domineering England in Bassora, or of out-trading her in Canton, or of out-colonizing her in the Pacific. When it speaks of French power, it does so pithily, but draws rather humble conclusions therefrom.

For example. France, saith its president, has 1,200,000 national guards, armed with as many muskets and 500 cannons; and it has a regular army of 450,000, with 17,000 cannons. What might not one expect to follow from this! Yet what does follow? Simply the announcement that Algeria () owes its repose to the existence of this splendid army. The numbers of the fleet are afterwards as imposingly enumerated, and the conclusion from such formidable naval premises is, that "French colonial society is tranquil, based upon complete civil and political liberty." Which is as much as to say, we have a very large fleet and no possible use for it.

On the subject of finance, the message tells a very plain tale. Two millions sterling were added in 1848 to the interest of the national debt. The deficit was promised not to exceed one million sterling; it turns out to be upwards of seven. And five millions more of revenue have been swept clear off by the repeal of the duty on drinks. Here is a terrible breach in our financial system, a very fearful rent. Mend it, gentlemen, as speedily as you can. Such is the plain language of the president.

After this lugubrious picture of the finances, somewhat redeemed by a more flourishing account of the resumption of trade and manufacturing industry, the message enters upon the critical topic of foreign affairs. This, M. de Tocqueville treats with an effort at brevity and simplicity; characteristics that French diplomacy scarcely admits of. Brevity proverbially becomes obscure, and the simplicity is not such as to command credence. From Denmark to Sicily, says the message, we had an interest to protect, that of liberty; and moreover, an influence to establish, that of France. But neither were worth a war, and consequently the interest has not been protected nor the influence established. France, however, would have done much more, continues the message, if popular parties had been more prudent. If Sicily would

If the French expedition sailed to defend the Ro-
mans, why not say so? Why not make clear its
intentions? Why send a military commander
with two sets of instructions, and with aims that
have rendered professions and conduct alike inex-
plicable? Why choose an old roué of a court
diplomatist to represent France at Rome; and
then send the merest intriguer to set matters
right? M. de Tocqueville was certainly not answer-
able for these things. But one blushes to see him
obliged to cover and defend them, and he does so
with either an ignorance or misrepresentation of
facts painful to read. The message represents the
Pope as having been driven from Rome by the con-
spiracy of a few, and it represents the present
resistance to the French army as merely the work
of Garibaldi's foreign legion. But Garibaldi and
his legion have been for weeks beating the Nea-
politans and driving them out of the country; and
why, during their absence, did not the rest of the
Romans open their gates? The fact is, that the
French cabinet sent an expedition to Rome with-
out knowing what was the state of Rome. M.
Barrot evidently took the Italians for children,
without will, or power, or principle. He deemed
that at the first apparition of French bayonets the
Romans would fall prostrate; for he had been told
that the Romans were not republican, and that the
majority revered the Pope. But this was judging
the Rome of May, 1849, by what it was when
Rossi wrote his despatches in 1848.
Romans have since come to abhor the priesthood,
or at least to abhor their temporal rule; while
France wants to force this temporal rule upon
them, and hoped to be allowed to do so because
Austria appeared able and zealous to do the work
more harshly and completely. The French ought
to have acted above board. Instead of sending an
expedition to save Rome from the Austrians, while
they pretended to further the very aim which the
Austrians had in view, they should have pro-
claimed to the world, and to Rome, and to Aus-
tria, what were their aims, and what their resolves.
Such frankness would have made the expedition a
brave and heroic one, even if it turned out an ill-
judged and imprudent one; and the character of
the French government and president would not
have been injured by the failure.

Rome and

It will be remarked that if England is mentioned in this message, it is not as an ally. Nor is the expression of intente cordiale renewed. The terms

we are now upon with the French Republic are ing his plans; and if so, we can perceive, first, those of mutual good wishes. It is a "Good why the cabinet is apparently cleansed of its morning, I hope you are well" sort of greeting "Thiers element," and next, why it is of a kind and alliance. And perhaps this is all the better. impossible to stand. Dufaure is an able man of The commencement of the message would affairs; but he has shown a defect either of saseem to have been written by M. Barrot, in his gacity or of firmness in accepting the lead of a usual state of somnolent and liberal beatitude. A cabinet so unpromising. M. de Falloux, a legitmore unquiet, ambitious, and active spirit seized imist whose unpopularity is scarcely mitigated by the pen towards the termination of the message. his accepting the part of a trimmer, can act sinGovernment is not, as in the first paragraphs, cerely with no set of republicans. De Tocquehumble and acquiescent: on the contrary, it is to ville must break up either the policy of the French take the lead in all reform. It is to be active, government or his own reputation; the latter philanthropic, severe. It is, moreover, to instruct branch of the alternative being calculated to deand enlighten; and to show the masses what fools stroy all his influence and the little remnant of they are when they listen to theories and political French faith in public men. Perhaps his politiphilosophers. The world is at present full of quacks cal rivals have not overlooked the dilemma in and regenerators, and the great duty of govern- which M. de Tocqueville is placed. The cabinet ment, according to the message, is to expose them. may be without any ostensible particle of the Such men as M. de Tocqueville could surely have Thiers element, and yet fit well enough with his done that without becoming ministers. Instead of plans. adding to the power of their name, office will take from it; and M. de Tocqueville will soon find, as M. Faucher did, that a ministerial circular is the very worst form in which a philosophic reproof, telling society that it is marching too fast, can be addressed to it. Let M. de Tocqueville liberalize his own office, and redeem the foreign policy of France from its present character of despotism and reaction, and he will do more to reconcile red republicans themselves to order and content, than he will by either lecturing them more directly, or coërcing them more severely.

From the Spectator, of 9th June.
STATE OF AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.

IN observing the course of the French government, the reader will be led astray by certain superficial appearances, unless he keep in mind two facts of no small importance-that it is impossible to understand the actual position so as to form any estimate of the future; and that one political element, so far from having been destroyed, is steadily increasing, we mean that which is laxly but more nearly shadowed forth by the name of "the Red Republic." Random guesses as to the next turn of affairs may be made with as much probability as betting on the color of the next horse you meet in the streets; but those who are best informed are precisely those to be most puzzled, because the facts on which a judgment should be guided are so many, so intricate, and in some cases so paltry, that it is impossible to follow them out to calculated consequences.

The so much lauded concession of the "moderate republicans" betrays more weakness than honesty or mastery of purpose. The general composition of the cabinet is not republican at all, but reactionary. In adopting a few colleagues of the Cavaignac color, it is to be inferred, not that the cabinet wishes to adopt the policy of that small and not substantive section, but that it simply wishes to gain over a section which is supposed to be unable to stand alone; in other words, the Cavaignac section is expected to waive its own opinions and subserve those of the reactionaries; a calculation as visionary as the political schemes of the sagacious Guizot. The traits which distinguish the Cavaignac men from the rest of the republicans are, not less sincerity, but in respect of many comparisons more honesty, with more common sense, more practical judgment, and more temperate and patient calculation. The Cavaignac men will side with the present majority only so long as it is professedly republican.

Speaking

The larger minority which is named just now from the socialist element that pervades it is not to be confounded with a mere parliamentary minority. In numbers above two hundred within the Assembly, it is far from contemptible. quite generally, it may be said to comprise by far the larger amount of political zeal, of personal devotion, and of active energy; in a brawl, it would probably show a vast preponderance of fighting powers. It is obstinate, reckless, and compacted by its hatred of the heterogeneous coalition which now keeps it from power, inverts its policy, and humiliates it with supercilious contempt. The The president and his personal advisers have République Sociale hates the combined reactionagained some credit with English observers for ries, for their apparent success; a success which concessions made to the party of "moderate re- can hardly endure. Little has been done to republicans"—a term applied somewhat recently to store the material prosperity of France; beneath the party of whom M. Cavaignac is a good type; the Parisian gayeties of the season lies a dark and it is remarked that "the Thiers element" is void of hopeless idleness in trade. banished from the cabinet. But who are M. Italy is a terrible legacy from the late government Bonaparte's personal advisers?—It is with great to its near relative the present; any effective use probability supposed that M. Thiers has no small of that army against the Romans will disgust and share in the president's confidence, or in suggest-exasperate Paris, and may at once array the peo

The army in

ple on two sides-the republic and the anti-repub- | republic of the United States, with the republic of lic. In such case, there can be no doubt of two France, and the republic of Switzerland. are not events destructive to the party now in possession altogether horrified at the republican appellation. of office; the so-called moderate republicans would But the real state of the matter is, that the Huntake side with the republic; and the first successes garians are not republicans, and that the republic of the bold and fighting republicans would bring has not been proclaimed anywhere in Hungary. over a large mass of waverers who are prepared to The misstatement, it is charitable to suppose, take part with the winning side, and who now may have its origin simply in a mistranslation of fallaciously swell the seeming numbers of the ma- a Hungarian word. jority. An unknown but certainly a considerable proportion of the existing majority is in that way a convertible sum.

Another more ancient fallacy, but of late frequently repeated, is, that the Hungarian movement is not national, but the work of Polish agitators, Now what is this "république democratique et and that the army is not merely officered by Poles, sociale," which is thus excluded from power, but but consists in a great measure of soldiers of that is formidable enough to occupy the intrigues of a nation. Now, it is ridiculous to suppose that government, and is awaiting the next tumult for a such an obstinate resistance as has been shown by return to power? It consists, in the first place, the Hungarians could be the result of any other of divers sections, who, under the various names than that universal impulse of a whole people, of Fourierists, Blancists, and Socialists, agree in which, like the rising of the Germans against the basis of communism-the organization of la- France in 1813, animates all classes as with one bor, and the merging of individual property. The soul. If some few magnates shrink from their Fourierists, who clung to some ideas of individual duty in the inglorious ease of foreign epicureanism, property, are fast losing heart and uniting more if any should be found even hostile to the national intimately with the great body of socialists. The cause, still every great house of historical name is immense majority are simple communists, whose represented by more than one of its branches, who leading idea is the abolition of private property- actively serve their country either in the senate or peaceably if possible, otherwise through blood-the field. Batthyanys, Esterhazys, Karolyis, shed. To that staple is joined the numerous Telekis, Bethlens, &c., &c., are all represented band of democratic republicans, whose leading thus. But, besides these, the numerous and idea is the extinction of royalty, aristocracy, and wealthy class of country gentlemen of ancient famsocial inequality; and this is the true heir to the ily are almost, without an exception, ranged on great revolution of 1789; in ferocity it equals the national side. The little freeholders and the it cannot exceed the fiercest and most fanatic late copyholders, the men who in 1848 saw their section of the communists. The leading men of copyholds converted into freeholds by the liberality both sections exult in the force of energy and will of the diet, are enthusiastic against Austria. Nor beneath them, and hope to guide the power is this confined to the Magyar population. The which the mass of their followers supplies; they Germans in Hungary and the military frontier, the will find guidance difficult in proportion as the Wallachians in Hungary, and lastly, among the outbreak is sudden, exasperated by impolitic resist- Slavic tribes, the Slovacks and Ruthenes, (who ance, or tempted by blindness. The class of are settled in the north,) are all united in the practical and intelligent politicians, who are wil-struggle; or, to express it in a more familiar manling to face risks and fatalities in the achievement ner, nearly five sixths of the Germans, one half of their own opinions and projects, exceeds any (perhaps at present all) of the Wallachians, and estimate which English politicians are likely to one half of the Slavic population, have embraced form, both in numbers and in audacity. "The the cause. republic" will be defended against all assailants Such being the case, we need not be surprised or traitors by communists, red democrats, and sin-at finding in the Hungarian ranks a great proporcere but "moderate" republicans; and the army is extensively imbued with communist doctrines. The prospect is unquestionably as doubtful and gloomy as the countenance which M. de Falloux is seen to wear amid the triumphs of the day.

From the Examiner, 9 June.

MISREPRESENTATIONS.

tion of names terminating in sky, without looking to Poland as their home. Thus, Benicsky, who has distinguished himself in the partisan war, is of genuine Hungarian birth, and some years ago filled the office of sheriff in a Hungarian county Of the fourteen generals who hold commands in the Hungarian army, ten are genuine born natives of Hungary, one an Englishman, one a German, and two only (Bem and Dembinsky) Poles. These THE most current misrepresentation of the Hun- latter, indeed, with the exception of Görgey, are garians is, that they are republicans, and that they the only generals who have distinguished themhave proclaimed the republic in such of the Hun-selves by the possession of the highest qualities of garian counties as are in their power, which now comprise almost all the Hungarian territory. This assertion is often unwarily reechoed by friends of the Hungarians, who, considering that the Queen of England maintains amicable relations with the

their profession; and it does credit to the Hungarian character that no petty national jealousy has checked such brave men in the sphere assigned to them. We can confidently assert that up to the period when the Russians entered Cracow, there were

Then their

not more than 6,000 Poles at most in the Hunga- were always waiting to betray. rian army, which at that time numbered nearly troubles at home are constantly increasing, and, 150,000 men. It is not impossible that the Gal- should the Russian intervention quell them to-day, licians, who have been driven from their homes by it is only to raise a storm far more terrible tothe irruption of the Russian troops, may since morrow. have flocked in crowds to the Hungarian standard; The struggle is now fairly, thoroughly combut we must recollect that the ranks of the Hun-menced between the principle of democracy and garian army have also, since that time, been the old powers, no longer legitimate. That strugswelled by native levies, and that it now amounts gle may last fifty years, and the earth be watered to upwards of 200,000 regular troops, equipped, with the blood and tears of more than one generaarmed, and paid, with field trains of artillery num- tion, but the result is sure. All Europe, includbering between 350 and 400 pieces. ing Great Britain, where the most bitter resistance of all will be made, is to be under republican government in the next century.

The truth is, that the absolutist conspirators against liberty are perfectly aware that the Hungarians are the representatives and champions of sound constitutional freedom, equally removed from anarchy on the one hand and from despotism on the other; and therefore are the Hungarians honored with their deep, envenomed, and undying

hatred.

God works in a mysterious way.

Every struggle made by the old tyrannies, al their jesuitical deceptions, their rapacity, their imprisonments and executions of the most generous men, only sow more Hydra teeth; the crop shoots up daily, more and more plenteous.

Were the Hungarians really red republicans, communists, or terrorists, they would not be half When I first arrived in Italy, the vast majority so dangerous. Their order, discipline, preservaof this people had no wish beyond limited montion of public credit, and power of organization, archies, constitutional governments. They still are all a tacit reproach against those who assert respected the famous names of the nobility; they that no nation is capable of self-government, and despised the priests, but were still fondly attached must forever be content to creep along in the lead- to the dogmas and ritual of the Roman Catholic ing-strings of paternal despotism. Such a nation, so akin to England in true constitutional freedom, sets a dangerous example to Europe, and must be blotted out from the list of nations-as would be the fate of England herself to-morrow, if the absolutists were but as strong as they are wicked, and their power were only equal to their will.

THE STRUGGLE IN ROME.

FROM MISS FULLER, ONE OF THE CORRESPONDENTS
OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.

Rome, May 27, 1849.

I HAVE suspended writing, in the expectation of some decisive event, but none such comes yet. The French-entangled in a web of falsehood, abashed by a defeat that Oudinot has vainly tried to gloss over, the expedition disowned by all honorable men at home, disappointed by Gaeta, because it dares not go the length the papal infatuation demands-knows not what to do. The Neapolitans have been decidedly driven back, the last time in a most shameful rout-the king flying in front into their own borders. We have heard for several days that the Austrians were advancing, but they come not. They also, it is probable, meet with unexpected embarrassments. They find that the sincere movement of the Italian people is very unlike that of troops commanded by princes and generals who never wished to conquer, and

*Whilst the paper money of Austria is, in Vienna, at a discount of thirty per cent. if exchanged for gold, and of twenty-one per cent. if exchanged for silver, the Hungarian national notes of larger amount are in Pesth at a discount of thirteen per cent. only, if exchanged for gold

or silver, and the smaller notes are at par, being convertible at the bank.

Church.

It required King Bomba, it required the triple treachery of Charles Albert, it required Pio IX. and the "illustrious Gioberti," it required the naturally kind-hearted, but, from the necessity of his position, cowardly and false Leopold of Tuscany, it required the vagabond "serene" meanness of Parma and Modina, the " fatherly" Radetsky, and, finally, the imbecile Louis Bonaparte, "would-be emperor of France," to convince this people that no transition is possible between the old and the new. The work is done; the revolution in Italy is now radical, nor can it stop till Italy become independent and united as a republic. Protestant she already is. The memory of saints and martyrs may continue to be revered, the ideal of woman to be adored under the name of Maria. Christ will now begin to be a little thought of; his idea was always kept carefully out of sight, under the old regime; all the worship was for Madonna and saints, who were to be well paid for interceding for sinners. An example which might make men cease to be such, was no way to be coveted. Now, the New Testament has been translated into Italian; copies are already dispersed far and wide; men calling themselves Christians, will no longer be left entirely ignorant of the precepts and life of Jesus.

The people of Rome have burnt the cardinal's carriages. They took the confessionals out of the churches, and made mock confessions in the piazzas, the scope of which was, "I have sinned, father, so and so." "Well, my son, how much will you pay to the church for absolution?" Afterward, the people thought of burning the confessionals, or using them for barricades, but, at the request of the Triumvirate, they desisted, and even put them back into the churches. But