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imagine that his majesty would expose himself to “What do you want ?” said the king. such an answer as that; so they observed a re
“ Sire, I am
come to ask pardon of your spectful silence, and went on quietly filling their majesty for Peep of Day." mouths.
The king having granted him permission to “ Meanwhile," resumed Daybreak, “ let us explain the case, Daybreak related the story of drink his health."
his brother's wrongs, and, on coming to the “With all my heart," said the woodman, fill- end of his tale, he said he had asked pardon for ing the glasses.
Peep of Day of his captain ; that his captain havThe stranger was not backward in honoring the ing refused him he had applied to his colonel, who toast, and they all drank three times to the health had likewise refused him, “and therefore,” he of his majesty the King of France. This done, concluded, “I am come to ask it of your majesand supper over, the whole party lay down for the ty.” Thereupon the king took up the discourse night, and Daybreak so diverted his bedfellow by with a solemnity that made all present quake to the his sprightly fancies, that it was some time before roots of their hair, though the courtiers wore wigs the stranger could compose himself to sleep for in those days. laughing.
“ And if I refuse you?” Very early next morning the stranger took But the sly grenadier had not failed to perceive leave and set off by a little bye path through the that the king was that very stranger who had forest. He had not gone a mile before he met a supped with him at the woodman's ; so lifting up grand cavalcade of officers, pages, and gentlemen, his head with an assurance that amazed the court, who were galloping about in search of him. The and flinging out his arm with a decisive gesture moment they saw him they dismounted and uncov- that had an uncommonly grand effect, he replied : ered, for the stranger was no other than the king Sire, what is said—is said !" himself. He mounted a handsome horse that was The king burst into a roar of laughter that brought him, clapped the spurs into his flanks, and confounded all the court, for they thought he set off at a gallop for his château of Versailles. would never leave off. “ Morbleu !” said his
On arriving he sent for his major-domo and the majesty at last,“ you must sup with me instanter. people of his household, and said to them, Go and wait for me at the buttery; and you there, “Should a grenadier of the king's regiment, of see that he is well treated.” such and such an appearance, come and ask to see So Daybreak was boarded, lodged, and had his me one of these days, don't fail to let me know, washing done for him at the expense of the govand show him up.”
ernment for eight days, at the end of which time And in due course, a day or two afterwards he had the gratification to embrace his brother, (for Daybreak, refreshed as he was, did not travel who had been fetched back by express post. I as fast as the king's horse) his majesty was in-believe I am right in saying that this business formed that a grenadier of his regiment, of such was the subject of a deal of diplomatic negoan appearance, was at the door and wanted to tiation ; for the emperor had conceived such an speak with him. The king immediately dressed attachment for Desæillets the younger, that it himself as became his station, with the crown on was with the greatest difficulty in the world he his head and the sceptre in his hand, and went could be prevailed on to part with him. into the room where his throne was, followed by To make a long story short, the king reünited all his court. Then having seated himself under the two brothers Descillets, and made them offithe dais, with his officers around him, forming a daz-cers of his guard, loading them with favors and zling spectacle, he said, “ Admit the grenadier." honoring them with his friendship. In fine,
Daybreak, on entering the room, was certainly enabled to state, upon undeniable authority, that taken a little aback at the sight of this magnifi- Desæillets the elder, surnamed Daybreak, subsecent display ; nevertheless, he advanced resolutely, quently became sovereign of—I don't know what with a military step, to the foot of the throne, and hyperborean empire, by reason of the most astonmade his salute according to the regulations of ishing revolutions that ever turned all things topsythe service.
turvy in the memory of any grenadier.
From the Anglo-Saxon.
I question not God's curse ;-
Should make the evil worse?
Why should it not be mine?
Then why should I repine ?-
Ye ill become the breast
Of one for whom the present toil
Is working future rest.
To want what may not be,
Such grief were death for me!
No; while a future yet remains,
A better and a best,
And by them so be blest!
From ihe Examiner, of 9th June.
have listened to wise counsels, had the King of THE FRENCH PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Piedmont hearkened to dissuasion, could the Ro
mans have had the common sense to comprehend The message of the President of the Republic, M. Lesseps, France might really have succeeded just laid before the National Assembly, is certainly in doing something for the cause of liberty and less French than any document we ever remember national independence, instead of quietly regardto have issued from an executive of that nation. ing its reverses everywhere. It is humble, simple, explanatory, self-excusing. The line thus taken up by M. de Tocqueville is It boasts nothing and promises little. It neither to show that if absolutism triumphs, it is not the menances nor flatters. It indulges in neither an- fault of France. Perhaps such an excuse may tithesis nor cant; and the usual clap-traps of the be offered with some plausibility in the case of French political stage are omitted, by particular | Piedmont. In that of Sicily it is more doubtful. desire. It does not style France the foremost coun- But how can it be maintained in the case of Rome? try in civilization. It does not assert with grand- If the French expedition sailed to defend the Roiloquence that “ Poland shall not perish,” at a mans, why not say so? Why not make clear its time when France is helping to bury it. It is not intentions ? Why send a military commander for planting the Gallican church on the heights of with two sets of instructions, and with aims that the Lebanon, or of out-domineering England in have rendered professions and conduct alike inexBassora, or of out-trading her in Canton, or of plicable? Why choose an old roué of a court out-colonizing her in the Pacific. When it speaks diplomatist to represent France at Rome; and of French power, it does so pithily, but draws then send the merest intriguer to set matters rather humble conclusions therefrom.
right? M. de Tocqueville was certainly not answerFor example. France, saith its president, has able for these things. But one blushes to see him 1,200,000 national guards, armed with as many obliged to cover and defend them, and he does so muskets and 500 cannons; and it has a regular with either an ignorance or misrepresentation of army of 450,000, with 17,000 cannons. What facts painful to read. The message represents the might not one expect to follow from this! Yet Pope as having been driven from Rome by the conwhat does follow ? Simply the announcement that spiracy of a few, and it represents the present Algeria (!) owes its repose to the existence of this resistance to the French army as merely the work splendid army. The numbers of the fleet are af- of Garibaldi's foreign legion. But Garibaldi and terwards as imposingly enumerated, and the con- his legion have been for weeks beating the Neaclusion from such formidable naval premises is, that politans and driving them out of the country; and “French colonial society is tranquil, based upon why, during their absence, did not the rest of the complete civil and political liberty.” Which is Romans open their gates? The fact is, that the as much as to say, we have a very large fleet and French cabinet sent an expedition to Rome withno possible use for it.
out knowing what was the state of Rome.
M. On the subject of finance, the message tells a Barrot evidently took the Italians for children, very plain tale. Two millions sterling were added without will, or power, or principle. He deemed in 1848 to the interest of the national debt. The that at the first apparition of French bayonets the deficit was promised not to exceed one million Romans would fall prostrate ; for he had been told sterling; it turns out to be upwards of seven that the Romans were not republican, and that the And five millions more of revenue have been majority revered the Pope. But this was judging swept clear off by the repeal of the duty on drinks. the Rome of May, 1849, by what it was when Here is a terrible breach in our financial system, Rossi wrote his despatches in 1848. Rome and a very fearful rent. Mend it, gentlemen, as Romans have since come to abhor the priesthood, speedily as you can. Such is the plain language or at least to abhor their temporal rule; while of the president.
France wants to force this temporal rule upon After this lugubrious picture of the finances, them, and hoped to be allowed to do so because somewhat redeemed by a more flourishing account Austria appeared able and zealous to do the work of the resumption of trade and manufacturing in- more harshly and completely. The French ought dustry, the message enters upon the critical topic to have acted above board. Instead of sending an of foreign affairs. This, M. de Tocqueville treats expedition to save Rome from the Austrians, while with an effort at brevity and simplicity ; charac- they pretended to further the very aim which the teristics that French diplomacy scarcely admits of Austrians had in view, they should have proBrevity proverbially becomes obscure, and the claimed to the world, and to Rome, and to Aussimplicity is not such as to command credence. tria, what were their aims, and what their resolves. From Denmark to Sicily, says the message, we Such frankness would have made the expedition a had an interest to protect, that of liberty ; and brave and heroic one, even if it turned out an illmoreover, an influence to establish, that of France. judged and imprudent one ; and the character of But neither were worth a war, and consequently the French government and president would not the interest has not been protected nor the in- have been injured by the failure. fluence established. France, however, would have It will be remarked that if England is mentioned done much more, continues the message, if popular in this message, it is not as an ally. Nor is the parties had been more prudent. If Sicily would expression of intente cordiale renewed. The terms
we are now upon with the French Republic are ing his plans; and if so, we can perceive, first, those of mutual good wishes. It is a “Good why the cabinet is apparently cleansed of its morning, I hope you are well" sort of greeting “ Thiers element," and next, why it is of a kind and alliance. And perhaps this is all the better. impossible to stand. Dufaure is an able man of
The commencement of the message would affairs; but he has shown a defect either of saseem to have been written by M. Barrot, in his gacity or of firmness in accepting the lead of a usual state of somnolent and liberal beatitude. A cabinet so unpromising. M. de Falloux, a legitmore unquiet, ambitious, and active spirit seized imist whose unpopularity is scarcely mitigated by the pen towards the termination of the message. his accepting the part of trimmer, can act sinGovernment is not, as in the first paragraphs, cerely with no set of republicans. De Tocquehumble and acquiescent: on the contrary, it is to ville must break up either the policy of the French take the lead in all reform. It is to be active, government or his own reputation ; the latter philanthropic, severe. It is, moreover, to instruct branch of the alternative being calculated to deand enlighten; and to show the masses what fools stroy all his influence and the little remnant of they are when they listen to theories and political French faith in public men. Perhaps his politiphilosophers. The world is at present full of quacks cal rivals have not overlooked the dilemma in and regenerators, and the great duty of govern- which M. de Tocqueville is placed. The cabinet ment, according to the message, is to expose them. may be without any ostensible particle of the Such men as M. de Tocqueville could surely have Thiers element, and yet fit well enough with his done that without becoming ministers. Instead of plans. adding to the power of their name, office will take The so much lauded concession of the “ moderfrom it; and M. de Tocqueville will soon find, as ate republicans” betrays more weakness than honM. Faucher did, that a ministerial circular is the esty or mastery of purpose. The general compovery worst form in which a philosophic reproof, sition of the cabinet is not republican at all, but telling society that it is marching too fast, can be reactionary. In adopting a few colleagues of the addressed to it. Let M. de Tocqueville liberalize Cavaignac color, it is to be inferred, not that the his own office, and redeem the foreign policy of cabinet wishes to adopt the policy of that small and France from its present character of despotism and not substantive section, but that it simply wishes reaction, and he will do more to reconcile red re- to gain over a section which is supposed to be unpublicans themselves to order and content, than he able to stand alone ; in other words, the Cavaigwill by either lecturing them more directly, or nac section is expected to waive its own opinions coërcing them more severely.
and subserve those of the reactionaries ; a calcula
tion as visionary as the political schemes of the From the Spectator, of 9th June.
sagacious Guizot. The traits which distinguish
the Cavaignac men from the rest of the republicans STATE OF AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.
are, not less sincerity, but in respect of many In observing the course of the French govern- comparisons more honesty, with more common ment, the reader will be led astray by certain su- sense, more practical judgment, and more temperperficial appearances, unless he keep in mind ate and patient calculation. The Cavaignac men two facts of no small importance-that it is im- will side with the present majority only so long as possible to understand the actual position so as to it is professedly republican. form any estimate of the future ; and that one The larger minority which is named just now political element, so far from having been de- from the socialist element that pervades it is not stroyed, is steadily increasing, we mean that to be confounded with a mere parliamentary minorwhich is laxly but more nearly shadowed forth by ity. In numbers above two hundred within the the name of “the Red Republic.” Random Assembly, it is far from contemptible. Speaking guesses as to the next turn of affairs may be made quite generally, it may be said to comprise by far with as much probability as betting on the color the larger amount of political zeal, of personal deof the next horse you meet in the streets ; but votion, and of active energy ; in a brawl, it would those who are best informed are precisely those to probably show a vast preponderance of fighting be most puzzled, because the facts on which a judg- powers. It is obstinate, reckless, and compacted ment should be guided are so many, so intricate, by its hatred of the heterogeneous coalition which and in some cases so paltry, that it is impossible now keeps it from power, inverts its policy, and to follow them out to calculated consequences. humiliates it with supercilious contempt. The
The president and his personal advisers have République Sociale hates the combined reactionagained some credit with English observers for ries, for their apparent success; a success which concessions made to the party of “ moderate re can hardly endure. Little has been done to republicans”—a term applied somewhat recently to store the material prosperity of France; beneath the party of whom M. Cavaignac is a good type ; the Parisian gayeties of the season lies a dark and it is remarked that “the Thiers element” is void of hopeless idleness in trade. The army in banished from the cabinet. But who are M. Italy is a terrible legacy from the late government Bonaparte's personal advisers ?—It is with great to its near relative the present; any effective use probability supposed that M. Thiers has no small of that army against the Romans will disgust and share in the president's confidence, or in suggest- i exasperate Paris, and may at once array the peo
ple on two sides--the republic and the anti-repub-republic of the United States, with the republic of lic. In such case, there can be no doubt of two France, and the republic of Switzerland. are not events destructive to the party now in possession altogether horrified at the republican appellation. of office; the so-called moderate republicans would But the real state of the matter is, that the Huntake side with the republic; and the first successes garians are not republicans, and that the republic of the bold and fighting republicans would bring has not been proclaimed anywhere in Hungary. over a large mass of waverers who are prepared to the misstatement, it is charitable to suppose, take part with the winning side, and who now may have its origin simply in a mistranslation of fallaciously swell the seeming numbers of the ma- a Hungarian word. jority. An unknown but certainly a considerable Another more ancient fallacy, but of late freproportion of the existing majority is in that way quently repeated, is, that the Hungarian movement a convertible sum.
is not national, but the work of Polish agitators, Now what is this “ république democratique et and that the army is not merely officered by Poles, sociale,” which is thus excluded from power, but but consists in a great measure of soldiers of that is formidable enough to occupy the intrigues of a nation. Now, it is ridiculous to suppose that government, and is awaiting the next tumult for a such an obstinate resistance as has been shown by return to power? It consists, in the first place, the Hungarians could be the result of any other of divers sections, who, under the various names than that universal impulse of a whole people, of Fourierists, Blancists, and Socialists, agree in which, like the rising of the Germans against the basis of communism—the organization of la- France in 1813, animates all classes as with one bor, and the merging of individual property. The soul. If some few magnates shrink from their Fourierists, who clung to some ideas of individual duty in the inglorious ease of foreign epicureanism, property, are fast losing heart and uniting more if any should be found even hostile to the national intimately with the great body of socialists. The cause, still every great house of historical name is immense majority are simple communists, whose represented by more than one of its branches, who leading idea is the abolition of private property- actively serve their country either in the senate or peaceably if possible, otherwise through blood- the field. Batthyanys, Esterhazys, Karolyis, shed. To that staple is joined the numerous Telekis, Bethlens, &c., &c., are all represented band of democratic republicans, whose leading thus. But, besides these, the numerous and idea is the extinction of royalty, aristocracy, and wealthy class of country gentlemen of ancient famsocial inequality ; and this is the true heir to the ily are almost, without an exception, ranged on great revolution of 1789 ; in ferocity it equals— the national side. The little freeholders and the it cannot exceed—the fiercest and most fanatic late copyholders, the men who in 1848 saw their section of the communists. The leading men of copyholds converted into freeholds by the liberality both sections exult in the force of energy and will of the diet, are enthusiastic against Austria. Nor beneath them, and hope to guide the power is this confined to the Magyar population. The which the mass of their followers supplies; they Germans in Hungary and the military frontier, will find guidance difficult in proportion as the Wallachians in Hungary, and lastly, among the outbreak is sudden, exasperated by impolitic resist- Slavic tribes, the Slovacks and Ruthenes, (who ance, or tempted by blindness. The class of are settled in the north,) are all united in the practical and intelligent politicians, who are wil- struggle ; or, to express it in a more familiar manling to face risks and fatalities in the achievement ner, nearly five sixths of the Germans, one half of their own opinions and projects, exceeds any (perhaps at present all) of the Wallachians, and estimate which English politicians are likely to one half of the Slavic population, have embraced form, both in numbers and in audacity. “ The the cause. republic" will be defended against all assailants Such being the case, we need not be surprised or traitors by communists, red democrats, and sin- at finding in the Hungarian ranks a great proporcere but “ moderate” republicans; and the army tion of names terminating in sky, without looking is extensively imbued with communist doctrines. to Poland as their home. Thus, Benicsky, who
The prospect is unquestionably as doubtful and has distinguished himself in the partisan war, is gloomy as the countenance which M. de Falloux of genuine Hungarian birth, and some years ago is seen to wear amid the triumphs of the day. filled the office of sheriff in a Hungarian county
Of the fourteen generals who hold commands in From the Examiner, 9 June. the Hungarian army, ten are genuine born natives
of Hungary, one an Englishman, one a German, MISREPRESENTATIONS.
and two only (Bem and Dembinsky) Poles. These The most current misrepresentation of the Hun- latter, indeed, with the exception of Görgey, are garians is, that they are republicans, and that they the only generals who have distinguished themhave proclaimed the republic in such of the Hun- selves by the possession of the highest qualities of garian counties as are in their power, which now their profession ; and it does credit to the Hungacomprise almost all the Hungarian territory. This rian character that no petty national jealousy has assertion is often unwarily reëchoed by friends of checked such brave men in the sphere assigned to the Hungarians, who, considering that the Queen them. We can confidently assert that up to the peof England maintains amicable relations with the riod when the Russians entered Cracow, there were
not more than 6,000 Poles at most in the Hunga- I were always waiting to betray. Then their rian army, which at that time numbered nearly troubles at home are constantly increasing, and, 150,000 men. It is not impossible that the Gal- should the Russian intervention quell them to-day, licians, who have been driven from their homes by it is only to raise a storm far more terrible tothe irruption of the Russian troops, may since morrow. have flocked in crowds to the Hungarian standard ; The struggle is now fairly, thoroughly combut we must recollect that the ranks of the Hun- menced between the principle of democracy and garian army have also, since that time, been the old powers, no longer legitimate. That strugswelled by native levies, and that it now amounts gle may last fifty years, and the earth be watered to upwards of 200,000 regular troops, equipped, with the blood and tears of more than one generaarmed, and paid, with field trains of artillery num- tion, but the result is sure. All Europe, includbering between 350 and 400 pieces.
ing Great Britain, where the most bitter resistance The truth is, that the absolutist conspirators of all will be made, is to be under republican governagainst liberty are perfectly aware that the Hun- ment in the next century. garians are the representatives and champions of
God works in a mysterious way. sound constitutional freedom, equally removed from anarchy on the one hand and from despotism on
Every struggle made by the old tyrannies, al the other; and therefore are the Hungarians hon- their jesuitical deceptions, their rapacity, their ored with their deep, envenomed, and undying imprisonments and executions of the most generhatred.
ous men, only sow more Hydra teeth ; the crop Were the Hungarians really red republicans, shoofs up daily, more and more plenteous. communists, or terrorists, they would not be half
When I first arrived in Italy, the vast majority so dangerous. Their order, discipline, preserva
of this people had no wish beyond limited montion of public credit,* and power of organization, archies, constitutional governments. They still are all a tacit reproach against those who assert respected the famous names of the nobility ; they that no nation is capable of self-government, and despised the priests, but were still fondly attached must forever be content to creep along in the lead- to the dogmas and ritual of the Roman Catholic ing-strings of paternal despotism. Such a nation, Church. It required King Bomba, it required so akin to England in true constitutional freedom, the triple treachery of Charles Albert, it required sets a dangerous example to Europe, and must be Pio IX. and the “illustrious Gioberti,” it required blotted out from the list of nations—as would be the naturally kind-hearted, but, from the necessity the fate of England herself to-morrow, if the ab- of his position, cowardly and false Leopold of
" serene" solutists were but as strong as they are wicked, Tuscany, it required the vagabond and their power were only equal to their will. meanness of Parma and Modina, the “ fatherly''
Radetsky, and, finally, the imbecile Louis Bona
parte, “ would-be emperor of France," to convince THE STRUGGLE IN
this people that no transition is possible between
the old and the new. The work is done ; the FROM MISS FULLER, ONE OF THE CORRESPONDENTS
revolution in Italy is now radical, nor can it stop
till Italy become independent and united as a re
Rome, May 27, public. Protestant she already is. The memory I have suspended writing, in the expectation of of saints and martyrs may continue to be revered, some decisive event, but none such comes yet. the ideal of woman to be adored under the name The French-entangled in a web of falsehood, of Maria. Christ will now begin to be a little abashed by a defeat that Oudinot has vainly tried thought of; his idea was always kept carefully to gloss over, the expedition disowned by all out of sight, under the old regime; all the worhonorable men at home, disappointed by Gaeta, ship was for Madonna and saints, who were to be because it dares not go the length the papal in- well paid for interceding for sinners. An example fatuation demands-knows not what to do. The which might make men cease to be such, was no Neapolitans have been decidedly driven back, the way to be coveted. Now, the New Testament last time in a most shameful rout—the king flying has been translated into Italian ; copies are already in front into their own borders. We have heard dispersed far and wide ; men calling themselves for several days that the Austrians were advanc- Christians, will no longer be left entirely ignorant ing, but they come not. They also, it is proba- of the precepts and life of Jesus. ble, meet with unexpected embarrassments. They The people of Rome have burnt the cardinal's find that the sincere movement of the Italian people carriages. They took the confessionals out of is very unlike that of troops commanded by princes the churches, and made mock confessions in the and generals who never wished to conquer, and piazzas, the scope of which was, “I have sinned,
father, so and so." Well, my son, how much * Whilst the paper money of Austria is, in Vienna, at will you pay to the church for absolution ?" of twenty-one per cent. if exchanged for silver, the Hun- | Afterward, the people thought of burning the garian national notes of larger amount are in Pesth at a confessionals, or using them for barricades, but, discount of thirteen per cent. only, if exchanged for gold at the request of the Triumvirate, they desisted, or silver, and the smaller notes are at par, being convertible at the bank.
and even put them back into the churches. But
OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.