A THEORY. WHY do violins shudder so, Souls are shut in the violins, But they brandish their eye-glasses, "Some one was a flat semitone, Still the musicians play serene, Call them wildly and call in pain, Since not one of them is aware, So how often in life and art Soul and body must dwell apart Great is the Master's soul, no doubt- Are we body or are we soul? MAY KENDALL. PLENTY OF TIME. PLENTY of time-plenty of time! O what a foolish and treacherous chime! With so much to see, and so much to be taught, And the battle with evil each day to be fought; With wonders above us, beneath, and around, Which sages are seeking to mark and ex pound; With work to be done in our fast passing prime, 66 Can ever there be for us plenty of time "? Our schooling at most lasts a few score of years, Spent in sunshine and shadow, in smiles or in tears; While none are quite equal, howe'er they be classed, And judgments too often are faultily passed. 'Twixt eternity past and its future to stand Like a child sea-surrounded on one speck of land, There to work out the duties that make life 3 From The Quarterly Review. pressed on the imperial authorities its right to be consulted as to the choice of commissioners who were to decide a quesTHE Canadian people can find some tion of such deep interest to the Dominevidence of the growing importance of ion. Mr. Fish, among other things, said their Dominion by a reference to the offi- that "the reference to the people of the cial documents of the United States for Dominion of Canada seems to imply a When the fishery | practical transfer to that province of the right of nomination which the treaty gives to her Majesty." Coming down to a later time, when the Behring Sea difficulty arose to create some feeling between Can several years past. · 1. Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute. Vols. 1-21. London, 1869-1890. 2. Canada: Statistical Year Book of Canada for 1889. Government of Canada, Ottawa, 1890. 3. The Old North-West. By B. A. Hinsdale, Ph.D. New York, 1888. 5. Canada since the Union of 1841. By John Charles Dent. Toronto, 1882. 6. Canadian Studies in Comparative Politics. By J. G. Bourinot, C.M.G., D.C.L. Montreal, 1891. The iteration of the word "province in these several State documents is some evidence that the public men of the United States do not yet appreciate the position of Canada in the British Empire, but be8. Papers of the American Historical Associa-lieve that this aggregation of provinces, 7. Correspondence respecting the Behring Sea Seal Fisheries, 1886-1890. Presented to both Houses of Parliament. London, 1890. tion, 1890. New York and London. 9. A Treatise on International Law. By W. E. Hall, M.A. Third edition. Oxford. At the Clarendon Press, 1890. 10. Oregon: The Struggle for Possession. By W. Barrows. Boston, 1884. 11. History of the United States of America. By James Schouler. Vols. 1-4. 1783-1847. New York, 1880-1889. 12. Narrative and Critical History of America. Edited by Justin Winsor, of Harvard University. Vols. 1-8. Boston and New York, 1889. 13. Canada and the Canadian Question. By Gold win Smith, D.C.L. London, 1891. known constitutionally as the "Dominion of Canada," possessing large rights of selfgovernment, and an increasing influence in imperial councils, is still practically ruled in all matters by Downing Street, as in the days previous to the concession of responsible government. A little irritation on the part of American statesmen, however, is quite intelligible, when we consider that the political development of was no comparison whatever between the two populations. The people of the En energy and the spirit of political freedom. The people of the French province were the mere creatures of a king's ambition, and their energies were chiefly devoted to exploration and the fur trade. The con Canada within a few years has been a sort of revelation to the United States, who, for a long time, were taught to be-glish colonies were full of commercial lieve that Canada was a relatively insignificant appendage of the British crown, whose interests were not considered of any importance in the case of negotiations between England and other nations, and that she could not possibly have any in-flict that was fought in America for a fluence in the arena of international diplo- century and more was a conflict of antagmacy. As we shall endeavor to show onistic principles — the principles of self in the course of this paper, the political government and free thought, against the development of Canada has given her a principle of centralization and the represposition in the empire which makes her sion of political liberty. Freedom was at last a factor in the affairs of the conti- won on the plains of Abraham, and a nent of America, and that the time has great Frenchman and a great Englishman passed when her boundaries, and her ter- consecrated by their deaths on the same ritorial claims, can be made the mere battlefield the future political union of shuttlecocks for ambitious and astute two races on the northern half of the statesmen of the United States. Canada has won this position only after many sacrifices, and a stern fight against the ambitious designs of a powerful neighbor, not always animated by the most generous feelings towards the Dominion, and too often carried away by a belief in "a manifest destiny," which would eventually grasp the whole continent. continent. Of the great events of history that have moulded national destinies none has had more momentous consequences than the conquest of Canada one hundred and thirty years ago. One consequence has been the development of a powerful federal republic now composed of sixtytwo millions of people- the heirs of those free colonies which were founded by Englishmen and flourished under the influence of English principles of government. The second consequence has been the establishment of a federation known as the Dominion of Canada, possessing political institutions which give remarkable scope to individual energies, and enable the French Canadians themselves even now to look forward to the realization of those dreams of ambition, which were the incentive to action of many noble men in those brave old days, when France held the St. Lawrence and the illimitable Indeed, when we look at the past history of America, we can well believe that there has been a destiny ever "shaping the ends" of the Canadian communities, however diplomatists and statesmen have endeavored to "rough hew" them in the early times of their development. In the beginning of the seventeenth century England and France entered on that contest for the supremacy in America which did not end for a hundred and fifty years. When the Treaty of Paris was signed in 1763, the results of French ambition in America were to be seen in a poor strug-region of the West. But this grand congling colony on the banks of the St. Lawrence, and in a few settlements on the Illinois and in the Mississippi valley. The total population of these settlements did not exceed eighty thousand souls, of whom seventy thousand were living in the St. Lawrence valley. Even then the population of the thirteen colonies had reached one million one hundred and sixty thousand souls, or nearly fifteen times the French population of the St. Lawrence and Mississippi Basins. In wealth there ception of an empire is in course of reali. zation, not under the influence of French principles of government, but under the inspiration of those English institutions, which the experience of centuries proves are best calculated to develop political freedom, individual energy, and the finest qualities of human endeavor. The conquest of Canada removed that fear of France which had long contined the whole thirteen colonies to the country between the sea and the Alleghanies, and ན། །།།་ opened up at last to their adventurous | and of the North-West, since it estab- men. But events, as usual, moved faster than the logic of statesmen. The war of American Independence broke out as a result of the practical freedom enjoyed by the colonies for a hundred years and more. The self-assertion of the thirteen colonies had its immediate results on the fortunes of Canada, for among the acts passed by the imperial government, in accordance with a new and vigorous policy of colonial government, was the statute known as the Quebec Act of 1774, which extended the limits of the Province of Quebec so as to include the country long known as the old North-West. This act was obviously intended — indeed, it appears to have been a sequence of the policy of 1763 - to confine the old English colonies to the country on the Atlantic coast, and to conciliate "the new subjects " of England, the French population of the St. Lawrence markable fatuity that has often prevented the people of the United States in these later days from understanding the feelings of Canadians, their predecessors in those early times attacked the Quebec Act as a measure of Roman Catholic tyranny at the very time they were asking the assistance of the French Canadians. Canada was invaded; and when Montgomery fell at Quebec, the tide of invasion was forced back into the rebellious colonies. The influence of the Quebec Act was from the outset felt throughout the country, and the dominant classes, the bishops and clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, and the principal French Canadian seigneurs, combined to preserve Canada to a country which had given such strong guarantees for the preservation of the civil and religious rights of its new subjects. The period from 1774 to 1800 was one of great moment to Canada and the revolted colonies. The Treaty of 1783, which acknowledged the independence of the latter, fixed the boundaries to the two countries, and laid the foundation to fruitful controversies in later times. Three of the ablest men the United States can claim as its sons - Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay-succeeded, by their astuteness and persistency, in extending its limits to the eastern bank of the Mississippi, despite the insidious efforts of Vergennes on the part of France to hem in the new nation between the Atlantic and the Appalachian Range. The relatively little interest that was taken in Canada during the preliminary negotiations may be easily deduced from the fact that Oswald, the English plenipotentiary, was even ready to listen to the audacious proposition made by Franklin for the cession of Canada to the new Federal Republic, a proposition which has apparently moulded the policy of the United States ever since. It is said of Oswald that when he returned to England with the draft treaty, and was questioned by London merchants on the subject, he "confessed his ignorance, and wept over his own simplicity."* "The truth is," said Dr. Franklin, in a letter from Paris, "he (Oswald) appears so good and honorable a man, that though I have no objection to Mr. Grenville, I should be loath to lose Mr. Oswald." Well might the astute Franklin be "loath to lose " an envoy who conceded not only the territory west of the Alleghanies as far as the Mississippi, and valuable fishing rights and liberties on the banks and coasts of the remaining English possessions in North America, but also showed his ignorance of English interests by establishing boundaries, which, in later times, made Canadians weep tears of humiliation. The United States now controlled the territory extending in the east from Nova Scotia (which then included New Brunswick), to the head of the Lake of the Woods and to the Mississippi River in the west; and in the north from Canada to the Floridas in the south, the latter having again become Spanish possessions. The boundary between Nova Scotia and the republic was so ill defined, that it took half a century to fix the St. Croix and the Highlands which were by the treaty to divide the two countries in the east. In the far west the line of division was to be drawn through the Lake of the Woods "to the most north-western point thereof, and from thence on a due west course to the river Mississippi,”. a physical impossibility, since the head of the Mississippi, as it was afterwards found, was a hundred miles or so to the south. In later times this geographical error was corrected, and the curious distortion of the boundaryline, that now appears on the maps, was necessary at the Lake of the Woods in order to strike the 49th parallel of north latitude, which was subsequently arranged as the boundary-line as far as the Rocky Mountains. Of the difficulties that arose from the eastern boundary-line we shall speak later. With the acquisition of a vast territory, acquired by the earnest diplomacy of its own statesmen, the United States entered on that career of national development which has attained such remarkable results within a century. The population of the country commenced to flow into the West, and Congress passed the famous ordinance of 1787, providing for the or ganization of the Western territories, and the eventual establishment of new States of the Union. By 1800 the total population of the United States was over five millions of souls, of whom over fifty thousand were dwelling in the embryo States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin the "old NorthWest." By 1800 a great change, too, had taken place in the material and political conditions of British North America. One of the most important results of the War of Independence had been the migration into the provinces of some forty thousand people, known as United Empire Loyalists, on account of their having remained faithful to the British Empire, and who during the progress of the war, but chiefly at its close, left their old homes in the thirteen colonies. Their influence on the political fortunes of Canada has been necessarily very considerable. For years they and their children were animated by a feeling of bitter animosity against the United States, the effects of which can still be traced in these later times when questions of difference have arisen between England and her former colonies. They have proved, with the French Canadians, a barrier to the growth of any annexation party in times of a national crisis, and have been in their way as powerful an influence in national and social life as the Puritan element itself in the Eastern and Western States. In 1792 the imperial Parliament again intervened in Canadian affairs, and formed two provinces out of the old Province of Quebec, known until 1867 as Upper Canada and Lower Canada, and gave to each a Legislature composed of two Houses. The English-speaking people of the old Province of Quebec strongly protested against the act, but the younger Pitt, then at the head of affairs in England, deemed it the wisest policy to separate as far as practicable the two nationalities, instead of continuing their political union and making an effort to bring about an assimilation of language and institutions. It |