have ever heard." Certainly Constans is not the kind of man to kill any one. It has been acutely remarked that there is much more of the fisherman than of the gunner in him. He perceives his prey, throws in his line, gently plays with his fish, draws him up and down stream, and then, just when he might land him and finish him, he stops. He prefers making his adversary disappear rather than kill him. In Boulanger's case it were hard to say whether Constans' cleverness or Boulanger's stupidity were the chief instruments that brought about success. But certainly, Constans is a great tactician. He never drops a card unless it is a bad one, and then in order that some one else may pick it up. His whole strength lies

son took his legal degree at the age of ence. But great moral courage is his twenty-two, but, despising the law, he salient trait. It is related that one day a became a railway contractor, a profession waiter at the Café de la Paix came to tell in which he ruined himself, despite his him that he had overheard Boulanger say: great activity and enterprise. At the age" If I don't kill Constans, he will kill me." of thirty-two he returned to his legal "Really," replied Constans, "that is the studies, and after four years the railway only sensible remark of Boulanger's I contractor became professor of Roman law at Toulouse, then national councillor, finally deputy, minister, and governor of Indian China. On returning to France from his post of governor-general, a friend asked him, in June, 1888, what he thought of Boulangism, which at the time was at its height. "I will tell you," replied Constans, "when I have seen the man." A fortnight later he had seen the man, and said to his friend: "Boulanger is hollow; Boulangism is a big practical joke." Nevertheless, at that moment the practical joke was taking alarming proportions, and everybody in France, and many persons in Europe, were convinced that it would prove successful. Even the government, influenced by the surrounding atmosphere, was wavering and break-in his psychological perceptions; he has ing up; resistance seemed useless, defeat certain. And yet Boulanger was conquered, and it is to Constans in largest measure that this is due. He saved the republic, and saved France from a danger that would have been an ignominy. At the moment that Boulangism was at its apotheosis, Constans alone shrugged his shoulders, and said: "You will see the new Chamber will count three hundred and sixty-two or three hundred and sixtyfive Republicans." It counted three hundred and sixty-six.

Like many another eminent Frenchman, Constans is a Southerner, and has many of the Southerners' peculiar qualities. Unlike a Southerner, however, he is not much of a talker; Acta non verba is his device. He abhors long speeches, and never intoxicates himself with his own eloquence, as meridionals are so apt to do. He has, in a supreme degree, the gift of contempt, as he showed in his appreciation of Boulanger. Another and more important gift is his innate conception of duty. He is inflexible himself in this matter, and expects every one else to be so. When he returned from China, and found himself placed between triumphant Boulangism and the apparently ruined republic, he did not hesitate a moment to take side with the weaker party, but went straight ahead to face the danger, which was literally a mortal one, and which imperilled his own political, and perhaps also his own material, exist

a keen intuition of the human soul with which he has to deal. Gambetta used to attack situations, Constans attacks men. He acts on principle, although he is accused of having none. The professor of law is still strong in him; he proceeds by regular phrases, each beginning, "Seeing that," etc., and in his calculations he is scientific as well as calculating. "If this is equal to that, such-and-such a result must be brought about by such-and-such a combination." He never speaks or acts unless he is thoroughly convinced, and his conviction is so strong that it magnetizes others and convinces them too. Herein lies his main strength; his will is a mag. net, and by it he has magnetized France. His great firmness in office, his cleverness in administration, has given him the supremacy which he undoubtedly holds at the present moment. Nevertheless, it must not be for one moment supposed that he is popular. Like Jules Ferry, he en joys the hatred of the masses, and is accused of the most infamous and dishonorable crimes.

Constans is a successful man in society, and much beloved of his convivial friends. He is a member of the club called La Luscrambo (a provincial word meaning glow-worm), much frequented by meridional artists. Billiards, however, are more in honor at this club than politics. In appearance Constans shows no great charac ter; his face is not remarkable, it is only his eyes that betray his power- fine, grey,

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Southern eyes, of which it is difficult to
read the hidden meaning. They con-
stantly convey an impression of being shut
and seeming tired, and they avoid meeting
a direct gaze.
His general aspect is that
of a bonhomme, as the French would say.
His enemies declare that he looks like a
grocer. He has a most marvellous mem-
ory and can repeat books that he has read
from cover to cover. He has also an as-
tonishing memory for music; but with
regard to this it is jokingly said that his
memory is Italian he can recall all the
words and music of an Italian opera, but
he cannot remember a single French air.
Like many men of the South, he is very
superstitious; he is afraid of sitting down
thirteen at table, and always, they say, puts
a piece of old iron under his chair to keep
away evil influences. Since he came into
office there has certainly been a notable
change in the direction of French politics.
His clear-sighted determination has been
of immense value to the tranquillity of the
State, and, so long as he holds the author-
ity of government, it is likely that the
third republic will be able to continue its
existence.

With M. Constans we close the list of
the leading statesman of modern France;
but there remain a large number of minor
men who are also making their mark upon
the course of events. We will mention a
few of the most prominent.

second time is for the fools, and these are in the majority outside the Chamber and even inside." M. Floquet has not much regard for fools; he does not repeat his epigrams. His enemies say that he has ticketed himself as "incorruptible like Robespierre, and handsome like Saint Just" - at least, his enemies declare that he has so labelled himself; and they go on to add that from that moment he has been the captive of the Revolution, and has walked all his political life, like a sandwich-man, between two boards, on one of which was painted Robespierre, and on the other Saint Just, his own head only appearing vaguely above the boards, and presenting a forced resemblance to a rather artificial Danton. His dominant hobbies are a revision of the constitution, in order to give more power to universal suffrage, and a new system of taxation which should bring about a fairer distribution of imposts. The men whom he managed to group around him were moved much more by a suspicion of Boulanger than any sympathy with Floquet; and now that Boulanger is dead, it is possible that Floquet, too, may subside into oblivion.

Another man whom the disappearance from the scene of Boulanger has also largely deprived of his political raison d'être is M. Alfred Naquet, the man who was the brain of the gallant general, who wrote his speeches for him, and who pulled the wires of that good looking pup. pet, who was occupied, meanwhile, with red carnations, fine ladies, and dainty suppers. By profession a scientific chemist, by birth an Israelite, he entered into political life in 1878, opening up a campaign in favor of a union of all the Republicans. He wrote in the Revue Bleue and the Estafette, and he spoke in the Chamber in favor of a constitution modelled on that of the United States. It was this hobby which led him to take up Boulanger, whom he thought might be utilized for carrying out his ideas; while, on the other hand, the Monarchical party were utilizing this same Boulanger in order to support their aspirations. He will be remembered as the man who gave the Divorce Law to France.

In 1888 Charles Thomas Floquet was president of the council. He, like so many of his compeers, began his career as a lawyer, passing from jurisprudence to journalism. He is to this day a contributor to the Temps and the Siècle. His distinguishing feature when in office was that he was willing to let everything go, and to insist on nothing the very contrary of M. Constans, who knows what he means and intends to do it. Like so many of his countrymen, also, he is enamoured of words, and, above all things, of epigrams, by which he is ever seeking to make effects. A few of these will always remain attached to his name, as, for example, his address to Boulanger: "At your age, M. le Général Boulanger, Napoleon was already dead, and you will be nothing but the Sièyes of a stillborn constitution;" or his apostrophe to Monsignor Freppel: Among the most important measures "You bishops are the prefects of the passed in France within the last ten years pope." M. Thiers was in the habit of say-is M. Goblet's loi des maires. M. Goblet, ing, in order to excuse his redundancies who was a barrister, entered public life as of speech: "It is not too much to repeat secretary of state in the ministry of justice the same thing twice; the first time that in 1879. He had practised at the bar at one says it, it is for intelligent people, the Amiens with considerable success, and in

that city founded at the close of the em- | factions of the Republican party; a propire a democratic newspaper. From the gramme which it was of course impossible beginning of his career he distinguished to realize, as every one of the factions himself by pronounced republican senti- desired that its dominant ideas should bements and hostilities to all reactionaries. come those adopted by the whole party. He is a Liberal in the Jacobin sense Since his resignation he has played no Liberal, that is to say, as the first revolu- prominent part. tion was Liberal, with the guillotine for a corrective. "Liberty or Death" is the M. Ribot, the present French minister watchword of this fiery enthusiast and of foreign affairs, officially untried as yet, of the party he represents. The compa- possesses the gift of practical parliamen triot of Robespierre, he possesses some tary eloquence to a high degree; and, as of Robespierre's qualities. Worthy of he belongs to no pronounced school, it is Robespierre was the amendment he intro- possible that he will make himself popular duced in the press laws, authorizing the among the various elements with whom he government to suppress any newspaper has to deal. His aspirations are to see they chose by the mere decision of the France a species of Swiss republic, paministers in Council. In the Ferry Cab-cific, laborious, and keeping outside of all inet Goblet was chosen minister of public European agitation. instruction and worship, and in this post he showed great energy. It was he who prompted the deconsecration of the Panthéon, and who replied so sternly to the protests made by the Archbishop of Paris. Before the elections of 1885 he addressed a circular to all the bishops, recommending them to enjoin on the clergy a policy of non-intervention in politics. When his orders were disobeyed he stopped the pay of certain priests, claiming for the government the right to act thus, as being the only check it has upon ecclesiastics. He does not, for the present, however, think it possible to separate the Church from the State, as he admits that, up to date, this would be contrary to the wishes of the majority. Twice called upon to form a Cabinet, he failed to bring together a working ministry; but under Floquet he was appointed minister of foreign affairs, and showed himself very successful in treating several delicate matters, as, for example, the Suez Convention, and the question of schools in Tunis raised by Signor Crispi. He is, perhaps, one of the ablest men now acting together with Carnot, but he will never take a leading position.

M. Brisson, who has also held the post of president of the council, is among the most characteristic leaders of the Republican party. He, too, is a lawyer by profession. At the age of eighteen, together with Vacherot, Pelletan, and others, he founded, in 1854, the first republican paper issued in the Quartier Latin. He afterwards passed on to the staff of Le Temps, but found it too moderately republican for him. When he became the head of the Cabinet, in 1885, his programme was inspired by the desire to reestablish concord between the various

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M. Rouvier has proved his mettle, and is a finance minister who may stand worthily beside M. Léon Say. His determined action with regard to the scandals of the Copper Ring, and the able way in which he saved the Paris market from a financial disaster which might have been tremendous, have given the test of his capacity. The victory achieved by him was as great as that of M. Constans in crushing Boulanger. The French finances are not in a flourishing state just now; the burdens are heavier than even that rich country can bear; and France has the unenviable distinction of being to-day the most heavily taxed country in Europe. Whether the policy of strenuous protection which seems to be becoming the keynote of French financial affairs will be found to answer in the end, and whether the people will be able or willing to bear additional burdens, is a question the future can alone decide. To us English this protection policy appears a suicidal one, and as yet there has been no appearance of increased prosperity in France to justify those who hold this doctrine.

Of M. Spuller, M. Léon Say, M. Tony Révillon, M. Deroulède, M. Turquet, and M. Tirard, the limits of our space will not allow us to speak. They are men who all, in their turn, have had an influence upon parliamentary affairs, and are all Republicans.

The Imperialist party has but one man of note to show, and he is rather notorious than noted. We refer to the hot-headed M. Paul de Cassagnac, journalist, politician, and swordsman. He has, perhaps, fought more political duels in his time than any other man in contemporary Eu

rope. A great favorite at the Tuileries | fort published in the Figaro most slashing during the time of the second empire, he articles against the second empire, till, at received much court protection. At Se- last, the editor was afraid to keep him, for dan he was taken prisoner. After his fear of incurring the ill-favor of the em release he re-entered political life, and be- peror. He turned him off, but advised came director of Le Pays, and Imperial him to found a newspaper of his own. champion in the Chamber. Duel after This was the origin of the famous La duel did he fight in the Imperialist cause, Lanterne. The popularity of the new pauntil at last, perhaps tired of this amuse- per was tremendous, much to the alarm of ment, he refused successively to fight both Napoleon and his court. Every effort was M. Rochefort and Clémenceau, alleging made to throw discredit upon Rochefort. that he had entered la phase du travail. At last, one day, tired of being calumniClémenceau added, la phase où l'on se ated, he went to demand satisfaction of an dérobe. The Chamber has had to con- editor who had published a number of demn him again and again for offensive scurrilous pamphlets against him. The behavior and insults to deputies, and his editor was insolent. Rochefort knocked violent language in Le Pays draws down him down; and for this he was condemned upon him repeated fines and various im- to a year's imprisonment and a fine of ten prisonments. It was he who tried to ex- thousand francs, together with the loss of cite Marshal MacMahon to make a coup his civil and political rights. This send'état. During the discussion of Jules tence amounted to extinguishing his career Ferry's educational laws, he publicly ac- as a journalist and a politician. Rochefort, cused Ferry of having falsified a docu- therefore, filed from France, and took refment, and refused to retract the accusa-uge in Belgium, where he continued to tion. It caused no little surprise, on the prince imperial's death, to find there was no mention of Cassagnac in his will. The journalist transferred his allegiance to Prince Jerome, whom a few years before he had reviled. But in 1880, in consequence of a battle between his paper and another, there arose that schism between Prince Victor and Prince Jerome which is so notorious. Cassagnac sided with the younger man. It may be said that he is the high priest of N'importequiism, or solutionism that is to say, anything and anybody rather than the present régime. It was this N'importequiism which led France to Boulangism.

Another hot-headed member of the French Chamber is Henri Rochefort, a noble belonging to the very ancient family of Berry. He began his career by writing dramatic reviews for the newspapers-the only form of criticism that was then allowed by the jealous censorship of Napoleon III. His articles proved an enormous success; for, though they pretended to deal with the drama, they were really levelled at the empire, and he had a way of saying things so subtly that it was difficult to bring against him an action for ibel. Moreover, he wielded his sword with as much skill as his pen, which not a little helped his reputation as a journalist in a country where duelling is as much a part of a journalist's profession as the correcting of proof-sheets. As soon as the restrictions imposed on the press with regard to politics were a little slackened, Roche

publish his Lanterne, which, although it was prohibited, found its way into France in large numbers. Many French exiles were at the time living in Brussels, among them Victor Hugo, who received Rochefort with open arms and the words, "Voilà mon troisième fils."

The imperial government had hoped to snuff out Rochefort and extinguish La Lanterne at one breath; but Rochefort safe across the frontier continued his fiery denunciations of the emperor and his satellites, and La Lanterne flamed as brilliantly as ever. Amongst the adherents of the court of the Tuileries, one and one only, young Baroche, son of the Garde des Sceaux, had the courage to challenge the fire-eater. The duel that ensued was a peculiarly fierce one, both parties displayed great courage; young Baroche was wounded in three places and Rochefort came off triumphant. Soon the difficulties of finding new dodges for smuggling the prohibited Lanterne into France became insurmountable. So Le Rappel was started, with Vacquerie, Meurice, Charles, François, Victor Hugo, and Rochefort, as its staff, and a fresh campaign was begun against the empire, despite fines and imprisonments. The signs were not wanting that the empire was beginning to totter towards its fall; how that fall was to come, and the depth to which it was to drag France, no one could then foresee.

At the election for the Corps Législatif in 1869, the Republicans felt that the time had come to make an effort, and pass from words to action. The Quartier Latin called