little become accustomed to it. They have | space of some weeks. The air was full of A brilliant pupil at the Lycée Bonaparte, Carnot early became under-secretary to the Committee of Pons et Chaussées, and was sent by them, when quite a young man, into Savoy to direct important engineering works. His success in this line gained him medals at the Universal Exhibition of 1867. In January, 1871, during the war, he placed himself at the orders of the government of the National Defence, and submitted to it at Tours the model of a mitrailleuse gun of his own invention. Introduced by Gambetta to De Freycinet, he served the latter for a short time as secretary, helping him to organize the army of the defence in the valley of the Lower Seine. He was among those who protested against the fatal armistice signed by the government of Paris, and, when the peace took place, Carnot, who had been a member of the guerre à outrance party, resigned his post with a dignified protest, winding up thus: "In coming here, charged with the mission of organizing our forces of defence, I was accepting a militant post, the only raison d'être of which lay in a fierce and resolute Chamber such as Gambetta dreamed of, excluding partisans of peace at any price. To remain faithful to the line of conduct which I had traced out for myself, I hand over my function and beg you to accept my resignation." Thiers, as we have said, was succeeded by the victor of Magenta. Seven years is the legal term of office for a French president, but the marshal resigned ere it had expired. He was accused of conspiring to use his opportunities for the restoration of the monarchy, and the strength of the Republican opposition, led by Gambetta, left him no alternative. He was succeeded by Grévy, an ex-barrister, whose moderation and firmness were believed to be a guarantee for the republic, Elected deputy, he voted against the but who at the end of 1887 had to resign peace of Frankfort, although his own on account of a criminal prosecution which father voted for it. Both sat in the Rewas brought against his son in-law, Wil-publican Left, of which Sadi Carnot was son, for utilizing for his own financial ends information he was able to procure thanks to the official position of his father-in-law. The circumstances of the case showed at least culpable weakness on Grévy's .part. "Ah, quel malheur que d'avoir un gendre!" sang the gamins of Paris for the secretary. In 1878 Carnot was appointed under-secretary of public works by M. de Freycinet, and, after the latter had been obliged to resign on account of his action in the matter of the religious bodies (Carnot is openly anti-clerical), he still contin. ued to hold his post. His task was to modify, as far as possible, the gigantic his friend Dreyfus was to get back from and disastrous schemes of De Freycinet, the Treasury all the taxes he had paid. who was engaged in organizing immense projects of engineering reform all over the country. It was Carnot's endeavor to condense and simplify these schemes. When Gambetta came into power in 1881, Carnot became again a simple deputy. Despite his attitude during the war, he was never really a friend of Gambetta. Carnot was more moderate than the Gambetta party when it was radical, and remained more liberal when it joined hands with Ferry and became domineering. He never formed a part of the Union Républicaine. For a short time he was a member of the Union Démocratique; but when the non-radical elements of the Chamber, in 1885, fused under the name of Union des Gauches, Carnot remained outside all groups. Temperate in all things, he generally voted with the ministry, but kept himself aloof from the too-absorbing influence of leading men. M. Rouvier, wishing to draw a contrast between the minister who had ordered this restoration and an upright functionary, said: "Yes, it is clearly shown by the documents that one of my predecessors, M. Sadi Carnot, refused to make the restoration asked of him." At these words the whole Chamber rang with loud applause and cheers for Carnot. De Then followed Grévy's resignation and the preparation for the presidential elec tion. The four prominent candidates were Ferry, De Freycinet, Floquet, and Brisson, of whom we shall have more to say. There were objections to all. Ferry's election would have broker up the Republican party, driving away the Reds, and bringing about a coalition between the remainder and the reactionaries. Freycinet's disastrous policy in Egypt and his public works scheme were too fresh in men's minds. Floquet had insulted the czar by crying in his face, "Vive la Pologne!" Brisson had had the misfortune to be in power when a strong Conservative minority had been returned at the elections. Carnot was a Moderate, independent of all groups. The only question was Could he be induced to stand? On December 1 three members of the Chamber waited on him at his house and laid before him the proposal, which Carnot accepted under the condition that he should have to take no steps whatever in canvassing or soliciting his candidature. If France chose to elect him for this high post, he should think it his duty to accept; but he would not appear to thrust himself upon the nation. He was elected by an overwhelming majority. News of his selection for the post of president came like oil on the troubled waters, for at Belleville and Montmartre the Reds were already gnashing their teeth and preparing to go When the De Freycinet ministry was formed, Carnot for the second time became minister of finance, with the difficult task of presenting the budget of 1887 to the Chamber. The Chamber would none of it, yet this budget had one great meritthat of sincerity. Carnot had frankly faced the situation, and did nothing to hide the huge deficit, which he was prepared to meet by a loan and by a tax on alcoholic drinks. But the Chamber had had enough of loans; it clamored for economy in the various administrative branches. The ministry of finance was first passed in review; Carnot hid nothing, and quietly pointed out various possible economies. He spoke, as he always did, calmly and coldly, with no waving of arms, no gesticulations or elaborate phrases. Certain proposed economies, however, he would not hear of; and his plans were defeated by a large majority. Nevertheless, after the ministry had fallen, when a new commis-"down into the streets." sion was named to examine the budget of Carnot's successor, so deep was the impression of absolute trustworthiness which Carnot had inspired in the Chamber that he was elected first on the list of the commission. A few months later, during the Wilson scandal, a fact came to light which paved the way to Carnot's future presidentship. M. Rouvier, minister of finance and presi dent of the Council, was discussing a motion as to the appointment of the commission to examine into the recent scandals. One of the facts alleged was that President Grévy had given directions that Since he has been president, Carnot has, both socially and politically, acted with the greatest tact and discretion, and proved himself more than ever a man of unimpeachable integrity. In his social duties he is ably seconded by his wife, a daughter of the political economist Dupont-White, who was secretary-general of justice in 1848. Although Léon Gambetta is no longer one of the living, it is not possible to speak of French statesmen of the last decade without mentioning him. Indeed, his influence over public affairs has been - think I can sum up my whole policy in two lines - to bring about the triumph of the policy engendered by universal suffrage, both in internal affairs and in the management of external affairs; in a word, against the existing circumstances, to prove that the republic is henceforth the primary condition of salvation for France internally, and of the equilibrium of Europe.' In September, 1870, Gambetta was one of the ministers of the National Defence, and it was on that occasion, for the purpose of rousing up the zeal of the country, that he made his famous balloon journey in order to escape from the siege of Paris. His appeal to provincial France to co-operate in defence of Paris was eloquent in the extreme; no less vigorous was his reorganization of the military forces and of the civil administration. It was thanks to him that the first army of the Loire was set on its feet again; thanks to him, too, that the French armies gained a few victories, though they were unimportant and too late to be of real service. He himself looked forward to an indefinite prolongation of the war, and believed that France would eventually succeed. Notwithstanding that he had drained the resources of the country to the uttermost, he was everywhere greeted, if not with enthusiasm, at least with implicit obedi. ence. so important, that for a proper compre- us. Gambetta's last act as head of the government was the decree calling upon the citizens to vote the election of a National Assembly, charged to decide for peace or war, and declaring ineligible all who under the empire had been ministers, senators, or councillors of state. The proc With this speech Gambetta laid the foundation of his personal influence. He had brought together in it, in the most able way, civilians and soldiers, Liberals and Conservatives. It was a prelude to his For eleven years Gambetta labored indominating idea the union of all on the defatigably to increase the influence of ground of practical liberty, the concert of republican ideas, and it may be said of all forces in a Republican State vigorously him that the one great peculiarity which organized, resting on the national consent. distinguished him was "that he widened Scarcely six months later Gambetta was the limits of the field of action in which elected with an enormous majority as all Frenchmen could meet to work together deputy for Paris. He soon became the under the flag of the republic." When real head of the Democratic party. A the Constitution of 1875 was voted, Gamforeshadowing of his future programme is betta made his famous speech, in which found in a private letter. He writes: "I | he pointed out how he and his party had made every concession possible to the reactionaries, and warned them not to miss perhaps the only chance of founding a firm, legal, and moderate republic. It was after this that Gambetta frankly adopted an opportunist policy. In one of his speeches he openly stated: "I make my policy square with my philosophy. I deny the absolute in everything; so you will quite understand that I am not likely to introduce it into my political beliefs. I belong to a school which believes only in the relative, in analysis, in observation, in the study of facts, in the comparison and combination of ideas; to a school which takes into consideration surroundings, race, tendencies, prejudices, and enmities. A political creed never is, never can be, always the same. The policy of to-day, in 1876, will not be the policy of 1877, nor of 1878, nor of 1880. It will change with our interests, with our needs, with our enmities, with what will happen in Europe, in such-and-such a market, in the face of such-and-such economical, financial, and military conditions which may displace the axis of this policy. And thus I say that it is expedient to modify our political conduct according to the changes through which the world passes. You see, therefore, that politics require tact, study, observation, and exactitude." The importance of the above speech lies in its negativing the assertions of some of Gambetta's biographers, who represent him as being all of one piece, which he certainly was not. He was a series of incarnations, not a full-fledged prophet. Again and again, but in vain, Gambetta attempted to reconcile the republican parties of all shades in the Chamber; no easy task, for each of these men had an idea of his own as to what a republic should be, and they are not willing to merge their personal fancies for the purposes of patriotic unity. He next attacked clericalism. Speaking in the Chamber of the election of M. de Mun, the well-known clerical deputy, he said: "It is no question here of defending religion, which no one is attacking or threatening; and when we speak of the clerical party we mean neither religion, nor sincere catholicism, nor the national clergy. What we want to do is to bring the clergy back into the Church, and not allow the pulpit to be made a political rostrum; it is to have the liberty of the elector recognized, it is to insure a fair field for political opinions which have nothing to do with clerical questions." He summed up the clerical question in the words, "Le péril social le voilà." Accused, later, of dictatorship, he defended himself at Belleville by declaring that he had twice helped to overturn despotism, by which he referred to Napoleon III. and MacMahon. But his own government much resembled a despotism wielded in the name of liberty. He himself, perhaps, became aware of this later, for, when speaking of the moral condition of the democracy and bourgeoisie, he said: "This is what inspired me to break with the past, and to say to myself, 'Your life must be consecrated to doing away with the spirit of violence which has so often led democracy, to keep it from mak ing a fetish of absolute formulas, to direct it towards the study of facts, to teach it to take into consideration traditions, customs, prejudices, which are forces only to be overcome by persuasion. You must endeavor to remove the incentives to fear which might push the bourgeoisie into reactionary measures; you must present yourself as a kind of peacemaker between the interests of both parties; and, if you can succeed in obtaining this alliance of the people and the bourgeoisie, you will have founded a republic on an immutable basis."" In 1881 Gambetta was charged to form a ministry. Most of the men whom he would have selected to form a Cabinet refused to serve under him, with the result that he had to select minor men, and was then charged with having made a ministry of his own followers. His programme, among other matters, aimed at freeing the administrative functionaries from personal influence and local rivalries. Members who had been accustomed to ask for places and favors for their electors and protégés were up in arms. The word "dictatorship was heard both on the left and right of the Chamber. The ministry was doomed, and when Gambetta further expounded his programme, which included a revision of the Constitution, the project set the whole Chamber in a blaze. He had been but four months in office when he saw himself obliged to resign. The excitement in France at the fall of the ministry was great, for Gambetta was very popular throughout the provinces. The most notable of his political schemes and the one that survived him was the introduction of the system of voting known as the scrutin de liste. He was succeeded by De Freycinet. The minister and dictator became once more a simple deputy. He was, however, not inactive, and showed himself especially eager as a partisan of an alliance with En. gland. He wished France to act in concert with her in Egypt, and clearly foretold the future, which has come about, if she did not do so. who devoted himself to the education of his two sons, bringing them up as pugnacious Republicans. Jules was destined for the bar, and was educated at the Lycée of Strasburg; hence he has, besides that tie of patriotism which appears to bind every Frenchman to Alsace now they have lost it (for before the war it was no offence to hear Alsace spoken of as Germany), the added one of a personal love for Strasburg, where in his youth he made many friendships to which he has remained true in later years. He also married an Alsacienne of a highly respected family. Or November 28, 1882, the news went forth that Gambetta, who was at that time staying in his country house, had wounded himself in the hand with a revolver. The bulletins issued announced that the accident was of no consequence, and that the wound was healing, but on December 16 fever declared itself, and on the last day of the year the dictator died. How did the accident happen? By the overloading of a pistol? Such was the official version. No one believed it. By the hand of a woman? All France believed it. Anyhow, no judicial investigation was made, and the matter was hushed up as far as might be. When Gambetta died there was in office one of those mushroom ministries, surviving but a few weeks, of which France, to her misfortune, has seen but too many during the last two decades. Early in the year, M. Fallières was succeeded by M. Ferry, who found himself thus for the second time in office, and who was to hold the reins for the next two years. After the death of his father, Ferry, finding himself possessed of a fair income, left the bar to enter upon the domain of politics. He soon grouped around him a number of men of merit, such as Floquet, Emile Ollivier, Hérold. The empire was in those days in its full tyrannical power, and these men, all discontented, discussed ways and means of opposing the government. The press was shackled; but, nevertheless, here and there, in articles of a literary form, this group managed to criticise the government of the Third Napoleon. They wrote for Emile de Girardin's paper, La Presse, and Clément Duvernois's Courrier de Paris. Emile Ollivier and Duvernois soon after abandoned the opposition party, and went over to the imperial camp; but Ferry stuck to his colors, and in 1863 published a book which involved him in a political trial. It consisted of a series of revelations about the means employed in official candidature, and was denounced by the government party as a Republican manifesto. Soon after this Ferry began to write in Le Temps, and there published his remarkable onslaught on the prefect of the Seine, entitled "Comptes fantastiques de Haussmann." Elected deputy for the sixth arrondissement of Paris in 1869, he continued in the House his double campaign against official candidature and the administration of Baron Haussmann. All his efforts at amendment were thwarted by a servile majority. But he soon became one of the most formidable antagonists of his aforetime colleague, Emile Ollivier, and, in the frequent struggles between them in the House, Ferry generally got the better of the arguments. Will M. Ferry's hour ever come again? This is a question that is often asked in France. He is recognized on all sides as a political force, but the extent to which he has pushed his anti-clerical views has made him a dangerous man in the eyes of many, while on the other hand his foreign policy has brought him much opprobrium. The "Tonkinese,” as he was called in disdain, became an object of popular loathing. For, with the ready ignorance and forgetfulness of the past that distinguishes nations, the people disregarded the fact that, though M. Jules Ferry conquered Tonquin, it was not he who first suggested the war, but rather those who reproached him with it at a later period. Recently there has been a slight reaction in favor of Tonquin affairs there being so much more prosperous. In any case the lesson taught by that difficult conquest has not been lost; and for the present the French nation, wiser by experience, no longer listens to the insinuating voice of those who recommend distant adventures. Ferry's name is not, as some people have tried to make out, of Italian origin; Ferry is merely, in the patois of the Vosges, a contraction of Frederick, for from time immemorial his family have inhabited the little town of Saint Dié. His father was a lawyer of considerable means, In 1870 came the war - that war upon which Emile Ollivier embarked so lightheartedly, and which was to prove so utterly disastrous to his party and to France. Ferry took an active part in the opposition made by the little group of the Left to the government project, whose criminal fool |