allow it to be, what affuredly it is not,* an independent body, one moment's reflexion will convince any unbiaffed mind, that its partiality of Conftitution carries poifon to its root; it is, in truth, the smallest portion of the people, fupported by an external power, legiflating for and directing the great body of the community-without the support of that external power it could not maintain its political pofition-this is an acknowledged truth, then where is its independence? Afk the gentlemen who have places and penfions-and where is its proud, dignified, and virtuous generality? Apply to the Act of Profcription.Ireland independent! with another name-she has all the expence of a diftin&t legislature, without poffeffing the dignity and benefit of legiflative distinction and national effect; and if fhe is not merged by Union into -no-fhe is a province *The prefent Earl of Clare, when Attorney General, declared in the Houfe of Commons, that a late Oppofition had coft the Country half a million; and that if the then Oppofition was continued, it would coft the Country half a million more. What was this but plainly faying, we have taxed the people, to bribe the Reprefentatives, in order to carry on the public business---and if you oppose the Government we muft tax the people again for the fame purpose, My Lord Clare was candid---he abhorred the practice---there is not an honefter man in the state--he faw its ncceffity---and he is now a diftinguished Advocate for the Union-- because he fees that the working of, what is called the INDEPENDENCE of Ireland, will be the Ruin of the country. British British independence, she must continue a province.-Do not start at the word, but look at the accuracy of its application-the plan of her government originates with an external power, and this is from the nature of the connexion unavoidable—the Irish privy council may advise, but it is the British privy council that directs.* Mr. GRATTAN, a great man, and a man for whom the writer of these pages entertains a fincere efteem, founded on a conviction of the purity of his motives, Mr. Grattan, I fay, was hurried forward in his public career by the fever of patriotism acting on a warm, glowing, nay burning imagination to a man of his tranfcendent talents nothing feems impoffible-he has been much vilified, and much illiberal and grofs abuse has been heaped upon him, but when he pleases he can rife and "hake the dew drops from the Lion's mane." His efforts have done much-they have enabled his country to treat on equal terms with Britain for an Union, which has for its object equality of rights, equality of fecurity, and equality of exiftence. His fubfequent exertions have not been fo happy-but shall we forget the greatness of his former acts because his latter movements have been tinctured with the errors of humanity? No! the mob of the people, ever giddy }{2} Under the controul of the Irish Parliament, under the controul of the minifterial Reprefentatives---under the controul of British influence. and and inconftant, may be prompted to any folly, and the mob of the corporations may join the vulgar cry, and drive the kingly creature from his lair, but his services are enshrined in the hearts of the reflecting, the liberal and the enlightened part of the community, and the nobility of his nature. will be recorded on that eternal page where virtue never dies!* He was the leader of that firm phalanx that gave to Anglo-Ireland the British conftitution, but he foon difcovered that the influence of Great Britain left his theoretical independence in practice a fhadow, he combated this effect, the influence, the neceffary influence, defeated his exertions after his establishment of independence in theory he laboured to accomplish a radical reform in the lower houfe---he found the Conftitution acquired in 1782, was nugatory without a radical reform of that parliament which acquired that * Notwithstanding this tribute to the talents and fervice of Mr. Grattan, the Author could never be fatisfied in his mind, as to the evidence of HUGHES before the Secret Committee of the House of Lords; it was there eftablished both by HUGHES and NELSON that Mr. Grattan received them at Tenehinch, and communicated in fecret with Nelfon, and it would feem that he knew of the Confpiracy against the State, because he had a Copy of the Conftitution of the United Irishmen lying upon his table.-Good God! what a debasement !---Mr. Grattan to communicate with fuch men as Nelfon and Hughes !---but what criminality if he was privy to the Confpiracy ---I am willing to think he was ignorant of the latter, and I weep over the certainty that he defcended to fuch affociates! Constitution, Conftitution---he was defeated by influence :---io order to weaken that influence, for he found it could not be deftroyed, it was conftitutional, he laboured to get the Catholic admitted into the fanctuary of the law; he faw the political equity and the national neceffity for this great measure, but there was a state neceffity for defeating that project, which feemed to escape his obfervation---Proteftant Afcendancy. Mr. Grattan, like a warm patriot, wished to see his country completely independent of Great Britain, and yet he found himself conftitutionally compelled to keep up the hocus pocus of the effentiality of British connexion! this was playing off political legerdemain with a witness, and Mr. Grattan would have been a wonderful conjurer, indeed, had he fhewn the world a ftate independent in all its relations under a conftitutional neceffity of connexion, to maintain that independency !--but prefto-begone! influence, that protecting principle (I fpeak here in ftrict reference to the Proteftant Establishment in Ireland) deftroyed. the embryo of a political monfter, which had it seen the light muft have wallowed in the blood of the community. Had his plan of government fucceeded, the connexion between the two countries, fo neceffary to the falvation of both, could have had no lengthened duration of existence, becaufe with two diftinct and ruling principles in two diftinct but conftitutionally connected nations, you cannot cannot in politics combine and preferve the reality of an undivided intereft. Without meaning it, and certainly without wifhing it, Mr. Grattan's latter exertions went directly to feparation. I will not fay that "pity fhall find and weep over him;" but I will fay that Patriotism has mourned the deception of her votary! and that the "hardy, bold, brave, brave, laborious, warm-hearted, and naturally faithful Irishman," has been plunged by party, and by the working of monopoly, into the horrors of a Rebellion, the blood of which is ftill reeking on the land! nor is the fpirit fled-it fkulks in filent hope of French affiftance, and union, and union alone, can either render its re-appearance unavailing, or banish it for ever the foil. Party-party, working on the exclufive Charter of Proteftant Supremacy, is the cause that has made "fome men mad, and all men fick"-and the Irish Parliament are able conftitutionally to restore reafon to the lunatic, and loyalty to the Republican. They can "reftore health to the fick, and confidence to all"-not by adding the French poifon to reform the corrofive fublimate of party, but by blending in one full, free, and entire UNION, the phyfical ftrength and conftitutional Liberty of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND. This is the Dove which has not been fent to the King, but he, in his parental care, has fent to us-it will take back the Olive! and our labouring bark may then reft in fafety from the turbu lence |