If Parliament can alter itself it can alter the Conftitution, for the alteration of Parliament is the alteration of the Conftitution-now, Parliament can alter itfelf because it has altered itself, and therefore it can alter the Conftitution.

But the moft plaufible argument against the competency of the Irish Parliament to enact an Union might be drawn from its not being, in fact, the reprefentatives of the people which that Union is to bind-it represents the Proteftant body of the community, but the Catholic body it does not represent, and therefore it has no conftitutional power to dispose of that body by Union-if we admit this reafoning, it makes against the right of parliament, in toto, to enact for the Catholic body-we eafily perceive to what civil deftruction this doctrine would lead, and we also perceive the political neceffity of Union to render that civil deftruction impoffible.

It is a queftion of mighty moment to both countries-fhall we for the neceffary end of rendering the connexion indiffoluble, by Union, which makes one being of two ftates, blend our political existence with the political existence of Great Britain; or continue our diftinct principle of government, leading incontrovertibly to feparation of connexion?

"Salus populi fuprema lex.".

Let the queftion be weighed by that even beam of juftice and true policy-put in one fcale the

good

good of the community, in the other corporation prejudice, and party paffion, and fee which will preponderate. But we must have a steady and impartial hand to hold the balance.

Is it for the benefit of the people of Ireland to be secured in their property, and in all the blesfings of the British Conftitution? The AngloIrish will not hesitate to answer in the affirmative; and as for the Catholic, the native of the foil, his eager and rational expectations have been long pointed to that effential confummation.Where then is the impediment? Independency.— What is independency an impediment to political right, civil fecurity, and nationalhappiness? So it would feem-but let us difpaffionately look at this independency, perhaps it is only a name, and, if fo, it cannot, among a reasonable people, prevent the establishment of national good.

It has already been fhewn that political independence is not poffeffed by this country, and that, in the present ftate of Europe, and in her devoted connexion with Great Britain, a perfect independency cannot be a poffeffion of Ireland. The united Directory of Ireland did indeed think other wife, and treated with the French to affift them in their patriotic endeavour to deftroy their country, in order to eftablish her independency!they were fhallow politicians--and, bit by the Mania of Revolution they overlooked the deadly confequences of its accomplishment-the horrors

attendant

attendant on civil war, never came within the compass of their calculation-they confidered not the deftructive ftruggle which this country muft have experienced from the power of Britain, and the ferocity of France-they were willing after murdering peace to "jump the life to come"they admitted not in their mind, the utter impoffibility of England, in the zenith of her naval glory, remaining criminally negligent of her own fafety, by allowing Ireland to become an unconnected ftate, or if connected, connected with her moft deadly foe-it might have been Rome, but it could not have been Carthage; Ireland was too weak, too divided, and too totally without refources to have made even a decent ftand in fo dreadful a contention-fhe must have fallen unconditionally to Britain, or been devoured by France-they were fhallow politicians, they seized in imagination the ultimatum of their projects, but forgot in their zeal the fteps which were to lead them along-and fo deftruction must have proved the conteft that it may be fairly doubted, if, in the almost impoffible event of their fuccefs, even one political Quixotte could have been found on the land mad enough to legiflate for her miferies.

But we are independent, and Mr. Fofter tells us fo-he tells the proteftant that he is independent of English influence, and he tells the Catholic that he is independent of proteftant power!

Mr.

Mr. Fofter tells you you are independent, and in the fame breath he tells you whoever (in the cafe of a Regency) is Regent of Great Britain must be Regent of Ireland, without her election, or her accedence in any manner whatsoever.* "Whoever," says Mr. Fofter, "is Regent of Britain has the Great Seal, and therefore the Regent of Britain alone can represent the third eftate of Irish legiflature."

In 1789 the Commons of Ireland thought the country not quite fo dependent, and they voted her a Regent without confulting either the Minifter or the Great Seal of Great Britain; but in 1799 Mr. Fofter tells you, you are independent, and proves this independency by a notable argument of your dependency on Great Britain!

But the word Independence is to act like a talifman against all evils; to lull the most sceptical into belief, and the moft fearful into confidencethe wretch who groans under what is called legal profcription, is to read and feel himself freeand those who are not profcribed, are, on the fimple pronunciation of the word, tó fall down and adore, without daring to look up to its formation, or to examine its accurate applicability.

* It may be here urged, that this principle was enacted by the independent lrifh Parliament-but is it not plain that this very act partially conftituted and acknowledged her dependence?

1

Good God! are we independent? we, who have not a fingle fhip of war in the world, nor of contribute one fhilling towards the expence the British Navy, which protects our commerce, and defends our coafts! Are we independentwe who are not poffeffed of that neceffary, tho' dangerous, engine of state safety, a military eftablishment? Are we independent, we whose Minifter is never feen in the Corps Diplomatique, and whose country, if it has a name among the nations, is known only as an appendage to the power that protects it! are we independent, we whofe very acts of parliament are not legal until they are banished the land, and return pregnant with conftitutional authority, rendered legitimate by the impress of the Great Seal of Great Britain?

And is our parliament independent? Tell me what portion of the House of Commons, that main pillar of the Conftitution, moves under the directing influence of places and penfionsthe words are fo hacknied, that one is almost afhamed to use them-but they are words of mighty power, and they are here properly applied. Mr. Conolly is a plain man, and an honourable man, and an honeft man, and he roundly tells you that in fuch a conftituted parliament you can never hope for independence of action-but even allow