unaffected by any dangerous influence, would naturally, and in the course of occurring circumftances and events, as the British legislature has long done, adopt fuch wholesome meafures, as might best serve the well weighed interest and happiness of the united kingdoms.

And in fine, in the one legislature of the undivided and inseparable state, every motive of patriotism and honourable pride, would have full, fafe, and useful scope of action; and, in all thofe enlightened exertions, of which the admired example of Britain gives a fure promife, to multiply and expand the resources, and to enlarge the prosperity and power of the empire, the hearts of the loyal in both countries, would be animated and fupported, under every effort for private or publick be nefit, by the confident hope of permanent fecurity.

The circumstances which led to the Union of Scotland, and the effects which have flowed from it, fully corroborate every reafon offered for a Union of Ireland. Scotland had fubfifted long as a feparate and independent state, engaged in all the rivalry and conflict with England incident to their contiguous fituation. The two nations had harraffed and diftracted each other for ages, to the detriment of both, but particularly of Scotland, which, except in the gallantry of her turbulent nobility, and the bravery of her poor and scattered people, exhibited no marks of national profperity. The caJamities refulting from their fituation, had been often lamented by the wifer men of rank and authority in both kingdoms, and plans had been frequently concerted by which they might become united. Thefe all failed; but at length, the accidental Union of the two

crowns in the fame perfon, feemed to promife a Union of laws, privileges, and interests, which should destroy all former animofity, and establish the tranquillity and domestick happiness of the whole ifland for ever. To effect fo excellent a purpose, an incorporated Union was earnestly fought, and in the parliament of England, even propofed, in the reign of James the firft; but national prejudices fruftrated the conciliating and wholefome plan. The two kingdoms therefore, until then perfectly feparate and independent, were to travel on together, connected fimply by the identity of perfon in whom the crowns were vefted. That compleat independence should be preferved in a connexion of this nature, was impoffible; and accordingly Mr. Hume fays, it might eafily have been foreseen, that the independence of Scotland would be loft, and that, if both ftates perfevered in maintaining feparate laws and parliaments, the weaker must fenfibly fuffer fabjection. The confequences were exactly fuch as might have been foreseen. The interests of the two countries being diftinct, and antient prejudice continuing to operate, the influence of the fuperiour country was employed in depreffing a dangerous rival rather than in elevating an infeparable friend; and except on occafions when England was involved in difficulties and difafters, we find that the influence of the fuperiour country prevailed. In a ftate of political Union fo flight and defective, England was naturally led to watch with a jealous eye, and to guard against an increase of power in Scotland, which might be employed in schemes, dangerous to the conftitution of the more profperous kingdom. The part which the Scotch had acted during the civil war in England, furaished an instructive proof, of the effects to be dreaded

from

from the interference of Scotland in times of publick commotion; and accordingly, it is to be remarked, that after the restoration, means were ufed to restrain the trade, to prevent the refources, and to depress the power of Scotiand. This fyftem continued during the reign of Charles the fecond and of James the fecond. In the reign of William, however, advances were made in the Scotch parliament, by political leaders fupported by powerful parties, which not only aimed at and afferted the compleat independence of Scotland, but tended to endanger and even totally destroy the connexion with England. For, when the convention of eftates in Scotland conferred the crown of that kingdom upon William, he received it attended with conditions, which tended to strengthen their authority, and to weaken confiderably that of the crown. These were taken full advantage of, as well as the peculiar difpofition and fitua tion of the king, who, having accomplished a revolution in the cause of liberty, and being surrounded with danger from the partifans of the abdicated monarch, was not prepared to refift the plausible but dangerous claims of national enthusiasm and party fpirit. Some of these demands were at firft fo palpably dangerous (among others, that of the right in parliament to appoint the judges) that they were evaded for a time. But new difficulties arose, dangers accumulated, and it was found that a confiderable degree of conceffion was neceffary to enfure the peace and stability of government in Scotland. Among other conceffions, the king's fupremacy in matters of religion was furrendered, where by the Prefbyterians became established in the fullness of their claims; and the institution of the lords of articles was completely abolished. Thefe conceffions compofed

the nation for a short time, but foon opened new fources of diforder. The Presbyterians inflamed by the recollection of their fufferings and by the furious zeal of their intolerant teachers, now became in their turn perfecutors of all who adhered to Epifcopacy. These latter, though by no means fo numerous, yet being composed of confiderably more of the nobility and higher gentry, and of the whole of the old tory party, were nearly as powerful; but the former having accomplished the revolution in Scotland and conferred the crown on William, gained an afcendency which they were little fitted to use with moderation; and confequently the nation became torn by all the violence of party. The preparations of France in favour of James, and the machinations of his numerous partifans, rendered the authority of William precarious; and finding it impoffible to gain both parties, he was forced to yield too far to the prejudices of the ruling party, who, peevish, headstrong, felf-fufficient, and always ready to take advantage of the king's fituation, urged him occafionally to sanction measures which inflamed the publick diforders. Meantime, the abolition of the lords of articles had given full fcope to the influence and zeal of active leaders in the parliament, who, step by step, so far inflamed the nation, and excited the parliament in purfuit of popular measures favourable to diftinctnefs and independence, that the power of the crown became weakened to inefficiency, and a fpirit was created and fo ftered, which haftened to diffolve the connexion between the two kingdoms. The inftitution of the lords of articles, as it was modified in the reign of James the firft of England, as it was revived after the restoration (having been abolishedin the troublesome reign of Charles the firft) and as it continued

continued till the reign of William, confifted of eight bishops chofen by the temporal lords, eight temporal lords chofen by the bifhops, fixteen knights and burgeffes chosen by the elected bishops and temporal lords, and eight officers of state appointed by the crown. Without the previous confent of this body, the formation of which refted ultimately in the power of the crown, no motion could be made in parliament. It is evident therefore, that fo long as this institution remained in force, the dependence of the legislature was perfectly fecured; and Scotland could be confidered as only a dependent province, with a fubordinate legislature acting under the controul of the cabinet of England; in like manner as Ireland and the parliament of Ireland were to be confidered, while the law of Poynings continued to operate. But the same spirit which feized the opportunity of abolishing the lords of articles, foon abused the liberty that had been acquired; and the king was actually forced to concur in acts of the Scotch parliament, which alarmed the parliament of England, and which brought on inquiries and contests nearly fatal to both kingdoms. The repugnant interests and mutually invidious fentiments of the two nations and parliaments, continued to embarrass and endanger the reign of William during his whole life; and that fagacious prince, foreseeing the destruction which in time must have neceffarily followed from the unnatural and precarious fitu- ' ation of the two kingdoms, earnestly recommended, in* one of the laft acts of his life, an incorporating Union, as effential to the safety and happiness of both.

In the fucceeding reign, the violence of parliamentary leaders, the contentions of difcordant parties in the

nation,

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